KI Media: “The 7 Social Sins” plus 24 more

TRIPOLI, Libya – The embattled Libyan regime passed out guns to civilian supporters, set up checkpoints Saturday and sent armed patrols roving the terrorized capital to try to maintain control of Moammar Gadhafi's stronghold and quash dissent as rebels consolidate control elsewhere in the North African nation.

Residents of its eastern Tajoura district spread concrete blocks, large rocks and even chopped-down palm trees as makeshift barricades to prevent the SUVs filled with young men wielding automatic weapons from entering their neighborhood — a hotspot of previous protests.

With tensions running high in Tripoli, scores of people in the neighborhood turned out at a funeral for a 44-year-old man killed in clashes with pro-regime forces. Anwar Algadi was killed Friday, with the cause of death listed as "a live bullet to the head," according to his brother, Mohammed.

Armed men in green armbands, along with uniformed security forces check those trying to enter the district, where graffiti that says "Gadhafi, you Jew," ''Down to the dog," and "Tajoura is free" was scrawled on walls.

Outside the capital, rebels held a long swath of about half of Libya's 1,000-mile (1,600-kilometer) Mediterranean coastline where most of the population lives, and even captured a brigadier general and a soldier Saturday as the Libyan army tried to retake an air base east of Tripoli. The state-run news agency also said the opposition held an air defense commander and several other officers.

On Friday, pro-Gadhafi militiamen — including snipers — fired on protesters trying to mount the first significant anti-government marches in days in Tripoli.

Gadhafi, speaking from the ramparts of a historic Tripoli fort, told supporters to prepare to defend the nation as he faced the biggest challenge to his 42-year rule.

"At the suitable time, we will open the arms depot so all Libyans and tribes become armed, so that Libya becomes red with fire," Gadhafi said.

The international community toughened its response to the bloodshed, while Americans and other foreigners were evacuated from the chaos roiling the North African nation.

The U.N. Security Council began deliberations to consider an arms embargo against the Libyan government and a travel ban and asset freeze against Gadhafi, his relatives and key members of his government. U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said some estimates indicate more than 1,000 people have been killed in less than two weeks since the protests broke out in Libya.

President Barack Obama said Gadhafi has lost his legitimacy to rule and must step down immediately. Obama, who made the comments Saturday to German Chancellor Angela Merkel, signed an executive order a day earlier that froze assets held by Gadhafi and four of his children in the United States.

In Tripoli, most residents stayed in their homes Saturday, terrified of bands of armed men at checkpoints and patrolling the city.

A 40-year-old business owner said he had seen Gadhafi supporters enter one of the regime's Revolutionary Committee headquarters Saturday and leave with arms. He said the regime is offering a car and money to any supporters bringing three people with them to join the effort.

"Someone from the old revolutionary committees will go with them so they'll be four," the witness said when reached by telephone from Cairo. "They'll arm them to drive around the city and terrorize people."

Other residents reported seeing trucks full of civilians with automatic rifles patrolling their neighborhoods. Many were young, even teenagers, and wore green arm bands or cloths on their heads to show their affiliation to the regime, residents said. All spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of reprisals.

Tripoli, home to about a third of Libya's population of 6 million, is the center of the eroding territory that Gadhafi still controls.

Even in the Gadhafi-held pocket of northwestern Libya around Tripoli, several cities have also fallen to the rebellion. Militiamen and pro-Gadhafi troops were repelled when they launched attacks trying to take back opposition-held territory in Zawiya and Misrata in fighting that killed at least 30 people.

Gadhafi's son, Seif al-Islam, told foreign journalists invited by the government to Tripoli that there were no casualties in Tripoli and that the capital was "calm."

"Everything is peaceful," he said. "Peace is coming back to our country."

He said the regime wants negotiations with the opposition and said there were "two minor problems" in Misrata and Zawiya. There, he said, "we are dealing with terrorist people," hut he hoped to reach a peaceful settlement with them.

Most shops in Tripoli were closed and long lines formed at bakeries as people ventured out for supplies.

In the Souq al-Jomaa neighborhood, piles of ashes stood in front of a burned-out police station. Graffiti on the walls read, "Down, down with Gadhafi." Elsewhere, shattered glass and rocks littered the streets.

A law school graduate walking to his house in the Fashloum area said he had seen many people killed by snipers in recent days.

"People are panicked, they are terrified. Few leave their houses. When it gets dark, you can't walk in the streets because anybody who walks is subject to be shot to death," he said.

He said Gadhafi's use of force against protesters had turned him against the regime.

"We Libyans cannot hear that there were other Libyans killed and remain silent," he said. "Now everything he says is a lie."

In Tripoli's Green Square, where state television has shown crowds of Gadhafi supporters in recent days, armed security men in blue uniforms were stationed around the plaza. Pro-Gadhafi billboards and posters were everywhere. A burned restaurant was the only sign of the unrest.

Supporters in about 50 cars covered with Gadhafi posters drove slowly around the square, waving green flags from the windows and honking horns. A camera crew filmed the procession.

Taxi driver Nasser Mohammed was among those who had a picture of Gadhafi and a green flag on his car.

"Have you heard the speech last night?" he asked. "It was great. Libyans don't want anyone but Gadhafi. He gave us loans."

Mohammed, 25, said each family will receive 500 Libyan dinars (about $400) after the start of the protests, plus the equivalent of about $100 credit for phone service. State TV said the distribution will take place starting Sunday.

Gadhafi loyalists manned a street barricade, turning away motorists trying to enter. After turning around, the drivers were then stopped at another checkpoint, manned by armed men in uniform, who searched cars and checked IDs of drivers and passengers.

In Misrata, a resident said the opposition was still in control of the city, which was calm Saturday, with many shops open and a local committee running civic affairs.

But the opposition only held parts of the sprawling Misrata Air Base after Friday's attack by Gadhafi supporters, he added.

The troops used tanks against the rebels at the base and succeeded in retaking part of it in battles with residents and army units who had joined the uprising against Gadhafi, said a doctor and a resident wounded in the battle on the edge of opposition-held Misrata, Libya's third-largest city, about 120 miles (200 kilometers) from the capital. The doctor said 25 people were killed in fighting at the base since Thursday.

The resident said pro-Gadhafi troops captured several members of the opposition Friday and now the two sides are talking about a possible swap since the opposition also captured a soldier and a brigadier general. Libyan state TV confirmed that army Brig. Gen. Abu Bakr Ali was captured, although it said he was "kidnapped by terrorist gangs." The state-run news agency JANA also said regime opponents held the commander of the air defense's 2nd Division and several other officers.

State-run TV reported that the website of the JANA news agency was hacked.

A Libyan Islamist activist, Mokhtar al-Mahmoudi, was arrested in Tajoura on Thursday, according to his daughter Fatma al-Mahmoudi, who lives in Morocco. She said a neighbor also was arrested.

Al-Mahmoudi was arrested in 1998 over his ties with the Muslim Brotherhood and spent eight years in prison, she said.

The opposition also held complete control of Sabratha, a town west of Tripoli famed for nearby ancient Roman ruins, with no police or any security forces associated with the Gadhafi regime, said Khalid Ahmed, a resident. He added that tribes were trying to organize a march on Tripoli, although a checkpoint outside the capital would stop anyone from entering.

"All of Libya is together," Ahmed said. "We are not far from toppling the regime."

Thousands of evacuees from Libya reached ports Saturday across the Mediterranean, with many more still trying to flee the North African nation by sea, air or land.

More than 2,800 Chinese workers landed in Heraklion on the Greek island of Crete aboard a Greek ship Saturday, while another 2,200 Chinese arrived in Valletta, the capital of Malta, on a ship from the eastern Libyan port of Benghazi.

Thousands of expatriates streamed out of Libya at the bustling Tunisian border, most of them Egyptians and Tunisians.

More than 20,000 have arrived since early this week, said Heinke Veit of the European Union Humanitarian Aid group. Food, water and medical help is available, as are facilities to contact their families.

___

SI SA KET : The Thai-Cambodian border dispute has not only shattered relations between the countries but also torn apart families living in the border area.

"It has resulted in our family splitting up. I cannot come home now," said Yon Kimsan, a 36-year-old Cambodian woman whose husband is Thai.

Since the border tensions flared, Thai authorities have banned Cambodians who used to live on the Thai side with their families from spending the night on Thai soil.

They are required to travel back to Cambodia at the end of the day after finishing work.

As a result, many Cambodians, including Yon who is hired by a Thai employer as a vegetable vendor at the Chong Sa-ngam Pass border crossing in Si Sa Ket, can no longer stay with their families in Thailand at night.

Yon used to live with her Thai husband and 10-year-old daughter in a house on the Thai side of the border before the violence erupted on Feb 4.

The border situation has also prompted Yon's husband, Boonphoon On-pheng, 60, and their daughter to take shelter at their other home in Nong Khai.

As a result, Yon has been left alone and is forced to commute between Thailand and Cambodia for her job.

"Since the [first round of] clashes [between Cambodian and Thai troops], I've not seen my husband," said Yon.

"We've talked on the phone sometimes ... but we're so far away from each other," Yon said.

The border dispute might have caused a rift between Thailand and Cambodia but the issue had never caused arguments between herself and her husband - just an unfortunate separation, she said.

"I wish to see peace restored and business at the border return to normal soon," said Yon, adding that although the border is not closed, business is sluggish these days.

Rasi Yon, a 30-year-old Cambodian woman who is also married to a Thai husband, has a happier story to tell.

"We both wonder why they have to fight over the Preah Vihear temple as they can instead join hands to develop border trade and tourism," she said.

After Cambodia reinforced its troops at border areas near the Chong Sa-ngam Pass border crossing, Thai troops and tanks were deployed to the same area, the source said.

25th February, 2011

The Cambodian-Thai conflict is a major challenge and headache facing Asean as a group which has strived hard to create a single and common market and currency in the next 4 years. The Khmer-Thai conflict is a thorn in the Asean's eyes and its very existence could jeopardise the solidarity and the cohesion of the organization as well as derailing the group's ability to form an EU-style union by 2015.

The Indonesian ceasefire initiative involving the sending of Indonesian observers to the war zone has minimized that jeopardy to a certain extent and whether the ceasefire will hold remain to be seen. However, the Indonesian initiative is good for the purpose of a ceasefire monitoring and not a permanent solution to the conflict, and with the conflict spreading fast to other areas along the borders between the two countries, there is a risk, and it is anticipating that, that ceasefire may not hold.

But the Indonesian initiative, whether one is optimistic about its success or not, has been described as a 'unique arrangement" and touted as Asean's first for it has broken Asean's long history and tradition on the principle of non-interference in each other's affairs.

But what does the Indonesian initiative mean in the context of the present Cambodian-Thai conflict? And will it abet in the cessation or prevention of future armed clashes between Cambodian and Thai troops?

As a long term observer of the present conflict, I can portend and presage that the sending of the 30-40 Indonesian observers to the Cambodian-Thai conflict zone will undoubtedly aid in the minimization of the armed clashes, but it will certainly not assist in the prevention or the cessation of armed clashes. My portent and premonition is based on the fact that the root cause or the origin of the conflict had not been addressed at Indonesian meeting on 22nd February, which is the solution to the ownership of the so-called "disputed land" surrounding Preah Vihear temple. As long as this issue still linger and not been resolved, the risk of further escalation of the conflict will occur and the risk of more armed clashes has further increased.

Whose victory is it anyway?

The Cambodian side had already claimed victory, which they had always done after every meeting, for the Asean ministerial meeting in Indonesia and the Thai side had probably done the same. However,being a skeptic to everything claimed by the present Cambodian regime, I reserve my right of judgment based on the outcomes of the meeting.

From a Cambodian perspective, the Thai side had scored a sweet victory over the Cambodian side by successfully keeping the issue regional and, to a great extent, bilateral which Thailand had maintained all along and which Cambodia had always opposed. While Cambodia has succeeded in forcing Thailand to accept Asean's (Indonesian) observers, the Thai side had succeeded in keeping the status quo by successfully manoeuvering and steering future talks in a bilateral context and preventing Cambodia from pushing the issue forward with the UN Security Council and taking the case to the International Court of Justice. While the Cambodian side had steadfastly insisted that all future talks be held in a third country with a third party participating, this sort of arrangement is still bilateral in nature as the two opposing sides will discuss the issue among themselves while the third party would act as an observer or a facilitator, but not as a mediator as Cambodia would have hoped.

With negotiations steering and heading this direction, one can foresee and ponder a few possible armed clashes occurring due to a few possible scenarios. Firstly, Thailand will try to steer and prevent Cambodia from internationalizing the issue and taking the case to the International Court of Justice which Cambodia hopes to do. Secondly, Thailand will try to bilateralize and regionalize the issue as much as it can where it hopes to grandstand over Cambodia in all the talks.

The bilateral talks had already dragged on for more than 2 years with no results, but, on the contrary, had led to more tensions and armed clashes. In the regional context, the 30-40 Indonesian observers' role is very constrained and limited. They can only observe and monitor and make reports, but unable to enforce the ceasefire and cannot effect a resolution to the conflict. As a result, the problems will still exist, Thai troops are still on Cambodian soil and the bilateral talks will drag on for many more years with no sign of an agreement. With such a scenario occurring and with more pressures being greatly exerted by nationalist groups at homes from either country, more tensions will ensue and armed clashes are unavoidable.

The only permanent and lasting solution to this Khmer-Thai conflict is to allow the matter be judged by the International Court of Justice and the verdict be enforced by the UN Security Council. Then everything will be solved permanently once and for all.

PHNOM PENH, Feb. 26 (AP) - (Kyodo)—A five-member Indonesian military team visited the Cambodia- Thai disputed border area on Saturday to pave the way for deployment of Indonesian observers in the region, a senior Cambodian defense official said.

Gen. Neang Phat, vice minister of national defense, told Kyodo News by telephone that the Indonesian advance team visited the ancient Cambodian temple of Preah Vihear and the surrounding area to find a suitable location for deployment, which will be made under an ASEAN- brokered deal.

He said the Indonesians spent several hours in the area and will report back to the Indonesian government, the current chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.

Cambodia and Thailand agreed during an ASEAN foreign ministers' meeting in Jakarta on Tuesday to invite Indonesia to deploy civilian and military observers to monitor a ceasefire agreement in the border area.

Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa said Indonesia will dispatch two separate teams to Cambodia and Thailand, each consisting of 15 to 20 military personnel and civilians.

Neang Phat said it is unclear when the observers will start their mission but expressed hope that it will be "soon."

The observer mission will be ASEAN's first since 2005 when the regional group and the European Union set up the Aceh Monitoring Mission to oversee disarmament in Indonesia's Aceh Province following a peace agreement between Indonesia and the separatist Free Aceh Movement.

Cambodia and Thailand have been at loggerheads since 2008 over an area involving 4.6 square kilometers of land near the Indus temple shortly after it was designated a UNESCO World Heritage Site. Since then several rounds of armed clashes have erupted, the most recent from Feb. 4 to 7. The conflict has left at least 10 people dead, nearly 100 wounded and more than 25,000 people displaced on both sides.

The U.N. Security Council has expressed "grave concern" over the border skirmishes and urged the establishment of a permanent cease- fire.

ASEAN groups Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.

The 31st Marine Expeditionary Unit (MEU) of the United States arrived in Cambodia's Sihanoukville Port on Saturday morning to participate in the Cambodian Maritime Exercise, starting from Feb. 27 to March 2, according to the media release from the U.S. embassy in Phnom Penh.

The 31st MEU includes more than 2,200 marines and sailors, and is comprised of a command element, a reinforced infantry battalion, a composite helicopter squadron and a combat logistics battalion.

The warship's participation in the exercise is part of the U.S. Pacific Command's Theater Security Cooperation Program.

"The bilateral exercise will provide unique and dynamic opportunities for cooperation between the U.S. and Cambodian military, while promoting relationship-building between militaries and local communities,"the press release said on Saturday.

It also ensured that the region is adequately prepared for regional humanitarian disasters, such as the December 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami and Cyclone Nargis in May 2008, by allowing partner nations to work together and build relationships before a critical need develops, it added.

"Our military forces engage in cooperative programs throughout the year aimed at developing relationships to allow for combined efforts,"Col. Andrew MacMannis, commanding officer, 31st MEU, said in the statement.

Major events planned for the exercise include a port visit with liberty, a jungle exchange, a subject matter expert exchange at the Peace Keeping Training facility, English engagement exchanges, community relations projects, and a Humanitarian Assistance Disaster Release planning exercise.

The exercise is also scheduled to include C-130 and helicopter support operations to include supporting Joint Personnel Recovery efforts in the area.

During the exercise, the 31st MEU will also participate in a combined medical and dental civic action project, expected to treat approximately 3,800 patients.

According to exercise officials, this bilateral exchange will build friendships and increase mutual understanding.

"The U.S. government is dedicated to its enduring relationship with Cambodians," said Mark Wenig, spokesman for the U.S. Embassy in Cambodia.

The 31st MEU arrived in Cambodia after its participation in exercise Cobra Gold 2011 in Thailand on Feb. 7-18.

OSAKA (Kyodo) -- Sumitomo Electric Industries Ltd. will build manufacturing plants for automotive wire harnesses in Cambodia and the Philippines later this year to manage risks arising from the concentration of production of its mainline product in China, the president of the Osaka-based company said during a recent interview with Kyodo News.

"A labor shortage and wage hikes are occurring in China," Masayoshi Matsumoto said in reference to emerging risks in the country.

Outside Asia, Brazil is important for Sumitomo Electric because the South American country is "friendly to Japan and rich in natural resources," said Matsumoto, 66.

Sumitomo Electric is aiming to raise the proportion of overseas sales to 50 percent in fiscal 2011 from 40 percent in fiscal 2009 and will promote competent workers to executive posts regardless of nationality in order to expand overseas operations, he added.

The United Nations Special Rapporteur for human rights wrapped up his fourth visit to Cambodia on Thursday saying significant issues remained unresolved.

Surya Subedi said his fourth visit to Cambodia had produced a mixed bag of results, with limited government cooperation on measures for judicial reform that he had recommended after his last trip here in June.

On Thursday Subedi highlighted freedom of expression and land rights as key ongoing issues.

Phnom Penh has for several years pursued its perceived critics through the courts, with some people jailed or forced overseas to avoid prison sentences handed down by a compliant judiciary.

Subedi said there were still significant problems with freedom of expression, and spoke of his concerns that the space to express criticism was narrowing.

He said the peaceful expression of opinion should not be dealt with under the criminal code.

"Those holding public positions should be willing to accept criticism for their decisions. Criticism is not a crime, but an exercise of freedom of conscience, and an act of intelligence," said Subedi.

Subedi was in Cambodia on a 10-day visit to assess how effectively parliament upholds human rights. He will report on that aspect later this year.

During his stay he met senior government officials, including Prime Minister Hun Sen.

The UN special rapporteur for human rights also spoke with donors, representatives from civil society, members of the political opposition and ordinary Cambodians.

On the subject of land rights, Subedi said the government needed to ensure improvements were made.

Tens of thousands of mainly poor Cambodians have been thrown off their land in recent years as the rich and powerful have exploited their position to grab the increasingly valuable resource.

Subedi did praise an ongoing effort by the government to improve the framework around which land is dealt with, but said the problem in Cambodia was typically not a lack of laws.

"The challenge in Cambodia as far as I'm concerned is more a matter of the implementation of the existing laws than not having some laws in place in the first place," he added.

After Subedi completed his third visit in June, he drafted a series of recommendations to reform the judiciary. He had found that it faced what he called "tremendous challenges" in delivering justice for ordinary Cambodians.

He said Thursday that he was encouraged by the government's acknowledgment of problems with the judiciary, and its agreement that those needed to be addressed.

But Subedi implied Phnom Penh had largely failed to do much to improve the judicial system, telling the media he would have preferred better cooperation from the government in implementing his recommendations.

Government spokesman Phay Siphan told VOA that Phnom Penh acknowledged the judiciary was inadequate, but said improvements took time.

Among the changes already underway, Phay Siphan said, are moves to improve the skills of existing prosecutors and efforts to boost training for new judicial staff.

Subedi is scheduled to leave Cambodia on Friday.

As the anti-government demonstrations built into massive protests, hundreds of thousands of middle class men and women swarmed into the squares and long avenues of the capital's major business district. They were at times angry and joyful, hopeful but with little experience. And then, the army, which seemed like it might crack down, turned, with top commanders calling for the dictator's exit. The United States, the most important foreign power, eased his abdication.

The scene, so familiar today, occurred roughly twenty-five years ago in Manila, capital of the Philippines. The "People Power" movement eventually forced longtime dictator and close U.S. ally Ferdinand Marcos to flee to Hawaii. As in Egypt today, there was exuberance in the streets of Manila after Marcos fled, and concern among many in Washington; the Philippines housed important American bases, and many American policymakers worried that Marcos's exit would unleash instability and communist revolutions in parts of the Philippines, leading to rampant anti-Americanism in the former colony and treaty ally.

Few of those American worries came to pass. Though the Philippines still suffers from low-level insurgencies in the south, a communist takeover never occurred, and while post-Marcos governments eliminated America's rights to use bases in the Philippines, the United States eventually restored a visiting forces agreement. Today, Washington has a close military-to-military relationship with Manila.

But if America's worries about a democratic Philippines proved unfounded, Filipinos' hopes for a post-Marcos democratic era never really materialized either. Though the Philippines today is technically a democracy, it is plagued by corrupt and venal politics, poor governance, and widespread dissatisfaction with democratic rule--so much so that the Marcos clan, including his widow Imelda, have made a triumphant return to politics, taking congressional and senate seats. The foundations for the failure of democracy were established very early in the post-authoritarian period--a critical lesson for democratic activists throughout the Middle East today. Indeed, by looking at the lessons of the very early post-revolution periods of several democracies in Asia, we can see how the Middle Eastern revolts could survive--or easily fail.

Besides the Philippines, other Asian nations underwent democratic transitions in the late 1980s and 1990s, often after large popular movements to push aside dictators. In the mid-1980s, demonstrations in Seoul helped spark a democratic revolution, and after a massive protest in Bangkok in 1992, the Thai military stepped down, paving the way for civilian democratic rule. Taiwan's ruling Kuomintang allowed a transition to more open politics.

Later, in the early and mid-1990s, the end of the civil war in Cambodia led to free elections; protests that drove out Suharto eventually led to a democratic transition in Indonesia; and demonstrations in Malaysia helped open up space for what appeared to be a truly contested legislature. Farther north, Mongolia shed its past as a Soviet satellite and attempted to build democratic institutions and culture virtually from scratch, with leading politicians in their twenties and thirties taking the reins.

Yet today these countries have enjoyed mixed results. Thailand is not truly a democracy, and the military has regained power; Malaysia has retained a soft authoritarianism; the Philippines is essentially an oligarchy; Cambodia has become an authoritarian state; Indonesia has moved toward democracy but faces serious challenges; and South Korea is a vibrant, pluralistic democracy. And throughout Asia, nostalgia for authoritarian rule remains high, according to studies conducted by the Asian Barometer survey series.

Given the hope for widespread democratic change in Asia that existed in the late 1990s, this mixture of consolidation and reversals is hardly inspiring. But Asia offers several critical lessons for today's changes in the Middle East, where it is likely that some countries will build genuine democracies while others will stagger backwards into authoritarian rule or outright chaos.

Much of the future of Asia's emerging democracies was determined within a year after popular protest appeared to end authoritarian rule. In the Philippines, the inability to erase the influence of the country's handful of massive landowners--including the Aquino clan--meant that the country remained mired in a kind of oligarchic politics--and today, without a popular revolution, it will be hard to change that trend. In Thailand, the refusal in the early democratic period of the 1990s to use constitutional change to reexamine the role of the monarchy and its institutions led to the continuation of undemocratic power wielded by the trinity of bureaucracy, military, and palace.

Meanwhile, in Indonesia, the decisions by the post-Suharto executive to allow a referendum in East Timor, though leading to a bloody separation, set the stage for Jakarta being able to allow devolution of power to outlying areas. This would prove critical later in bringing peace to Aceh and other areas. And in Cambodia, the results of the first democratic elections in 1993, in which Hun Sen used threats and force to overturn his loss, set the stage for a political system in which thuggery and coercion would come to dominate.

To hold together an opposition movement in the face of a repressive regime requires a high degree of cohesion, even autocracy, within that opposition movement. Yet serving in opposition for so long also can make a leader intensely fearful, seeing threats or spies around every corner. Chen Shui-bian, the Taiwanese DPP leader, exhibited many of these traits--tight control of his party and fear, even paranoia, of outsiders. These were survival skills in the opposition in Taiwan, but in government, those traits would doom his administration.

Similarly, Malaysian opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim, who has many reasons to be paranoid—he's already been jailed once and is possibly facing jail again on trumped up charges--seems to be positioning his close family as his successors, perhaps because of the same need to close ranks.

In Taiwan, Malaysia, and in other Asian nations, this fear has stunted the opposition as it moves into power, making it hard to compromise and leading to winner-take-all politics. For longtime opposition movements like the Muslim Brotherhood, Iran's Green Movement, or Bahrain's opposition Shiites--some of whose members have been beaten, jailed, and killed for their beliefs--it will be hard for them too, in power, not to exact retribution and close ranks around themselves, turning democracy into a different type of one-party rule.

During the eras of street protests, Filipino, Thai, South Korean, Indonesian, Malaysian, and Taiwanese middle classes stood at the forefront of demonstrations, much as middle class men and women are doing now in the Middle East. But less than a generation later, these same middle class men and women often now oppose democracy. In Indonesia and Taiwan, the middle class has continued to be a bulwark for reform, particularly in Jakarta. But in other nations, the middle class no longer always stands for reform and good governance.

During the first years of democratic rule, many Asian middle class men and women became convinced that freer politics would seriously diminish their political and economic power. This belief was not entirely unfounded: elected leaders like the Philippines' Joseph Estrada and Thailand's Thaksin Shinawatra, who rode to power on the votes of the poor in 2001, upheld electoral democracy (winning the most votes) but paid little attention to constitutional democracy (upholding the rule of law and private property). Facing such elected autocrats, in Thailand, urban middle class men and women supported the 2006 military coup, and in the Philippines middle class men and women came into the streets again, in 2001, to push out Estrada, an elected leader. In Malaysia, meanwhile, ethnic Malay middle classes increasingly have rallied to the side of Malay nationalists, worried that changes in the affirmative action policies that favor Malays over Chinese will ruin their livelihoods.

This middle class revolt easily could be repeated in a country like Egypt or Tunisia, if elections bring to power a populist like Thaksin with little regard for the rule of law. But it doesn't have to happen if leaders in the young democracies demonstrate to the middle class a commitment to private property rights, impartial courts, and other checks on power.

Some of the most successful examples of democratic transition in Asia occurred in countries that received minimal U.S. attention, like Mongolia, or in places where, at the time, Washington had a difficult relationship, like Indonesia. Left more to their own devices, nations like Mongolia were able to experiment with political systems and constitutions. In Indonesia, post-Suharto leaders oversaw a successful process of devolution of power to provinces, bringing more people into the political process and decentralizing the economy.

Such hands-off behavior is, of course, not as possible in a country like Egypt, a vital American ally. Still, given the low level of trust in the Middle East in American diplomacy, Washington should at the least stay in the background. For a start, the United States could channel more aid to democratizing Middle Eastern nations more through organizations like the National Endowment to Democracy, which played a role in assisting Asian democratic transitions.

In the Middle East, Washington's willingness to work with any elected leaders, as long as they do not try to overturn democracy, will be critical. In Asia, apparent U.S. acceptance of nondemocratic means of removing elected leaders, like the fairly recent cases of Thaksin in Thailand or Estrada in the Philippines--even if these leaders had many flaws--has been counterproductive. There remains a tendency in these states for people to look to extra-constitutional methods of changing governments, thereby weakening democracy even more.

The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (Unesco) yesterday listened but did not make clear whether it agreed with Thailand's request to have a further delay of consideration of Preah Vihear's management plan.

Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva said after a meeting with Unesco's special envoy Koichiro Matsuura that Thailand would settle the conflict with Cambodia over the Hindu temple of Preah Vihear's inscription before the World Heritage Committee's next meeting in Bahrain in the middle of this year.

The two countries were at a loggerhead during a World Heritage Committee's meeting in Brazil last year over the temple's management. Phnom Penh submitted the plan since January last year but the committee then agreed with Thailand's idea to delay its consideration until next meeting.

Cambodia's Deputy Prime Minister Sok An agreed to have a meeting on the matter with Thai Natural Resource and Environment Minister Suwit Khunkitti but the date has not yet been fixed, Abhisit said.

The Preah Vihear was inscribed as a world heritage site since 2008 but Thailand opposed Cambodia's management plan due to the fear of losing sovereignty over the areas adjacent to the temple.

The temple, ruled by the International Court of Justice in 1962, is situated in the territory under sovereignty of Cambodia but Thailand argued that the surrounding areas belong to Thailand and would never allow activities related to the world heritage to take place there.

Ideally, Abhisit said he did not want the temple management's plan to be implemented before the settlement of boundary conflict between Thailand and Cambodia. Boundary demarcation at the areas near Preah Vihear would not be finished soon.

The Unesco dispatched Matsuura as a special envoy to Bangkok and Phnom Penh between February 25 and March 1 to consult with the two countries after a plan to send a team to inspect the temple was rejected by Thailand.

The temple was damaged after a border skirmish between Thai and Cambodia troops on February 47. But it was unclear how serious the damage was. Matsuura will not be visiting the Preah Vihear temple.

Thailand blamed the Unesco and the World Heritage Committee for igniting the conflict between the two countries by listing the temple as the world heritage.

The management plan, if approved by the world heritage committee, would make the problem be more complicated, Abhisit said.

Unesco's Derector Irina Bokova has voiced concern over clashes around the temple in recent weeks, stressing that "the world's cultural heritage should never be a cause for conflict."

Matsuura admitted during a meeting with Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya that the implement of the Preah Vihear management plan would be more difficult if Thailand and Cambodia were still in conflict, according to the foreign ministry's spokesman Thani Thongpakdi.

"But there is no conclusion by now whether the Preah Vihear's management should be further delayed," he said.

Thailand tried to convince the Unesco by explaining to Matsuura that the situation at the border is still tense and the inscription would crate more tension, he said.

Unesco says it will be difficult to consider Cambodia's proposed world heritage management plan for the Preah Vihear temple given the current tense situation, the Thai Foreign Ministry says.

The Unesco special envoy on the Preah Vihear issue, Koichiro Matsuura, who is also a former Unesco director-general, yesterday met Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva and Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya at Government House to hear about the problems between Thailand and Cambodia.

Thailand was his first leg before he heads to Cambodia tomorrow.

Thani Thongphakdee, Foreign Ministry spokesman, said Mr Matsuura understood that the problems over the Preah Vihear temple stemmed from its listing as a world heritage site given that the border's demarcation was still pending. Mr Matsuura was quoted as saying that he also admitted that in the current situation, it was difficult to move forward with the Preah Vihear management plan proposed by Cambodia.

He would review what Unesco should do next in order to ease tensions, said Mr Thani, adding that any decision making will depend on the World Heritage Committee (WHC).

The management plan is scheduled to be placed for WHC consideration at its annual meeting in Bahrain in June.

Thailand is trying to explain to Unesco that as long as the border demarcation dispute has not been solved through the Joint Boundary Committee (JBC), the organisation should delay considering the matter.

Mr Kasit also explained the progress of mechanisms which would help resolve the border problems including the JBC, General Border Committee and Regional Border Committee.

"We also told the special envoy about our progress there and that Thailand stands ready to tackle all the pending problems with Cambodia," said the spokesman. The minister also told Mr Matsuura about the history of the Preah Vihear problem that stems from both countries using different maps. Thailand has stuck to an international principle of using a watershed as a border line but Cambodia has relied on a map made by France.

Mr Matsuura was quoted as saying that he understood what was happening as he had read Mr Kasit's statement delivered to the UN Security Council on Feb 14 as well as what happened at the meeting of Asean foreign ministers in Jakarta earlier this week, which will lead to observers from the Indonesian military being stationed at the Thai-Cambodian border.

"We also emphasised the matter that Cambodian soldiers used the temple as a military base," said Mr Thani, confirming that Mr Matsuura has no plans to visit the Preah Vihear temple as earlier indicated by Cambodia.

"Unesco also supported the Thai proposal to review the history [regarding the border issues] as this led to the conflict in the region because it involved too much from the colonial era," he said.

Mr Abhisit said after the talk with the Unesco special envoy that the organisation was likely to support the use of bilateral mechanisms to resolve the conflict. "The Unesco envoy expressed his intention that he doesn't want to build up more problems in a situation of tension," said Mr Abhisit. He said he would like to tackle the border problems before consideration of the management plan.

Unesco also supported Thailand's plan to invite Cambodian Deputy Prime Minister Sok An to talk about the Preah Vihear world heritage problem.

Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya is apparently giving no credence to the claims to success of his Cambodian counterpart Hor Namhong in the wake of Tuesday's Asean foreign ministerial meeting in Jakarta.

The meeting was brokered by Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa to cool Thai-Cambodian diplomatic tensions, which have been brought to the boil by deadly clashes in the border area near Preah Vihear temple claimed by both countries.

Hor Namhong said the Cambodian government's demands were ''responded to'' at the Asean meeting.

These demands included a ceasefire, the presence of neutral observers in the disputed area and the participation of Indonesia, as the Asean chair, in efforts to reach a resolution.

But Hor Namhong said Thailand made only a short statement to the effect that the despatch of the observers will be made in accordance with previous practices, seen when observers from Thailand and the Philippines were sent when Indonesia was involved in disputes with rebels in Aceh and with East Timor.

Cambodia has sought the involvement of the international community since the latest round of violent border clashes flared up on Feb 4, leaving a Thai civilian and a military officer dead and many injured.

But while Thailand has agreed to what was tabled at the Asean foreign ministers' meeting, Mr Kasit has sought to dampen any claims of success by Hor Namhong.

''Our issue is to forge peace and begin a negotiation progress,'' he said.

But what the Thai side was most satisfied with at the Jakarta meeting was the fact that no ceasefire was mentioned.

A Thai diplomatic source said any mention of a ceasefire might be construed as a suggestion that war was afoot, which would be to exaggerate the border clashes.

Furthermore, an observer said if any ceasefire was mentioned, Cambodia might claim the area was now at peace and ask Unesco to consider Cambodia's management plan, opposed by Thailand, for the 4.6-square-kilometre zone.

Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, however, rushed to announce to reporters in Cambodia on the day of the meeting that he had declined to sign a ceasefire deal with Thailand, even though he had requested Thailand to do so in Jakarta.

A notable presence at the foreign ministers' meeting was that of Hun Sen's son, Hun Manet.

The Thai diplomatic source said Hun Manet's attendance was a welcome sign, as he could report back to his father the opinions of the neutral parties.

PHNOM PENH, Feb 25, 2011 (IPS) - A United Nations rights envoy says Cambodia must accelerate the pace of its democratic reforms, but it's unclear how much sway he holds with a government that has become increasingly resistant to international criticism.

Surya Subedi, the U.N.'s special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Cambodia, says he has seen encouraging developments in the southeast Asian nation. But there remain worrying trends.

Subedi faces a difficult balancing act when it comes to fulfilling his mission in Cambodia: being a vocal critic could risk alienating a government with which he must ultimately work, while underplaying key concerns could render him ineffective.

"He has all the room in the world [to criticise]," said Ou Virak, president of the Cambodian Centre for Human Rights. "But if his objective is not to offend Mr. Hun Sen and the Cambodian government, then he has no room at all."

Virak said he believes Subedi has managed to balance the two sides so far, though it may well be because a Cambodian government still dependent on international donors realises that it must tolerate his presence.

"I would like to see the government speed up the process of reform and the process of democratisation," Subedi told reporters Thursday, following a 10- day visit to the country. "If the reform agenda was sped up and if the process of democratisation was accelerated, many people would be able to enjoy their human rights, and the economic development that has been taking place in this country would be beneficial for all."

Rights groups have frequently criticised the government for its track record on land rights and freedom of speech. Local watchdog Adhoc, for example, counted more than 200 individual land dispute cases affecting more than 25,000 families in 2010.

Key figures with the main opposition party, meanwhile, are facing legal action - the party's leader has left the country in self-exile, and another prominent member had her parliamentary immunity revoked.

In his comments Thursday, Subedi said he continued to be troubled by such problems.

"I am concerned about the narrowing of space for people to express their views peacefully and without fear, including those belonging to different political parties," he said.

The visit was Subedi's fourth official mission here since he was appointed in March 2009.

Subedi's predecessor, Kenyan legal scholar Yash Ghai, had a stormy relationship with Cambodia's leaders, who did not take kindly to the envoy's blunt critiques. By the time Ghai quit in late 2008, Prime Minister Hun Sen had taken to launching personal critiques of the envoy in public speeches.

In recent months the government has accused the U.N.'s top representative in Cambodia of meddling in its internal affairs.

Subedi has taken a more cautious approach during his visits. His criticisms Thursday were tempered by acknowledgement of what he said were positive moves.

The government, he said, recognises that it needs to reform the judiciary. Subedi has recommended that the government take steps to ensure the legal system is free from political influence - rights groups claim the government has often used the courts to silence its harshest critics. The government has also passed new legislation, including a revamped penal code and laws on demonstration and land expropriation.

Subedi said he was focused on taking a different approach than his predecessor. "Rather than looking at individual cases in isolation, I'm looking at the whole structure," he said. "Institutional approaches, structural approaches, the laws should be reformed, the legal regime should be strengthened and government policy should be improved. That's the approach I'm taking."

Even so, the reaction to Subedi has not always been rosy.

Last September, the rights envoy issued a report highlighting what he said was a worrying lack of political independence in the legal system.

"On a number of occasions and especially in high-profile political cases, the judiciary seems to have allowed itself to be used or manipulated for political or purely private purposes," Subedi wrote in his report to the U.N. Human Rights Council. "The courts are not trusted by the people to provide impartial justice."

At least one senior lawmaker objected to the findings.

"Based on my observations, Mr. Subedi is not different from Yash Ghai," parliamentarian Cheam Yeap was quoted as saying in the English-language Phnom Penh Post newspaper.

And when Subedi stated he was "disappointed" he was unable to meet with Hun Sen during a visit last June, the premier - who had called in sick - said the remark was disrespectful.

"He has been pretty diplomatic and critical at the same time," Virak said. "I think he's pretty straightforward in his criticism. He's been outspoken on some core issues that I think most of us in human rights have identified."

Whether or not that will result in substantial changes, however, remains to be seen.

In 2009, the Human Rights Council's Universal Periodic Review (UPR) made 91 sweeping recommendations aimed at improving Cambodia's rights record - including addressing judicial independence, rampant corruption and land evictions. Cambodia later accepted all 91 of the recommendations, though it's unclear how the government plans to implement them, if at all.

"Is it an indication that Cambodia agrees to all of them? Or is it an indication the Cambodian government doesn't care about these recommendations and the UPR process," Virak said. "Whether Subedi's own concerns will have an impact, I don't know."

Vietnamese and Cambodian officials on border issues have affirmed a resolve to complete land border demarcation and landmark erection by 2012 as the two countries' leaders agreed.

At the fifth round of the Vietnam-Cambodia Joint Committee on Border Demarcation in Phnom Penh on February 24-25, officials agreed to increase cooperation to fulfill six main tasks this year.

The tasks include defining of at least 100 landmark positions, delineating 500km of border line, completing the switch to the UTM map on the 1/50,000 scale from the current use of the Bone map on the 1/100,000 scale, and identification of landmark positions on the map in March.

The two sides also agreed to join hands to fulfill publication of a set of the Vietnam-Cambodia land border terrain maps and speed up compilation of a protocol on land border demarcation between the two countries.

In 2010, the two sides identified 72 positions, built 73 positions and demarcated 155 km of border line.

The Vietnamese delegation to the meeting was led by Ho Xuan Son, Deputy Foreign Minister and head of Vietnam's Joint Committee on Border Demarcation. The Cambodian delegation was headed by Var Kimhong, Senior Minister and head of Cambodia's Joint Committee on Border Demarcation.