KI Media: “Vietcong fair and concerts in occupied Nam Vang” plus 24 more

(VOV) - The Cambodia-Vietnam Business Association organised a fair and concerts for charity in Phnom Penh, Cambodia on June 18.

Addressing the event, Cambodia's Permanent Deputy Prime Minister Men Sam An said the event is a reflection of the special friendship between the two countries. Vietnamese businesses in Cambodia have always made great contributions to helping the nation develop its economy and stabilize social welfare, she noted.

She expressed her hope that all the proceeds from the event and similar activities in the future will be used effectively to support poor people in Cambodia.

The event included performances by artists from Cambodia, Vietnam as well as some ASEAN countries. There were also 100 stalls representing and displaying goods from many different businesses and sectors.

The fair and concerts for charity will last until June 23.

The Colony Theatre opens its 37th season with a brave selection — the West Coast premiere of Michael Golamco's "Year Zero." With a unique structure and a stellar young cast, it's a quietly powerful work that sneaks up on you slowly.

Definitely not your typical immigrant story, "Year Zero" follows the two children of a woman who survived genocide in Cambodia. The title refers to 1976, when the Khmer Rouge took control of the country. Brutal leader Pol Pot declared this "year zero" to be a reboot of civilization that would erase thousands of years of Cambodian history and culture.

Over the next four years, millions of Cambodians died from starvation and overwork in the countryside. Educated people, monks, ethnic Chinese, Christians and other enemies of this "new" society were immediately executed.

Vuthy (David Huynh) and big sister Ra (Christine Corpuz) barely escaped with their mother to Long Beach, the only survivors of their entire family tree. The play begins shortly after her death in the spring of 2003, as Vuthy and Ra pack up their mom's things and prepare for what the future holds.

Ra is studying for the Medical College Admission Test while stuck in a serious relationship with the nerdy Glenn (Eymard Cabling). Vuthy should be cleaning his stuff out of the apartment, but he's spending way too much time with Han (Tim Chiou), a notorious member of the Tiny Rascal Gang, or TRG, the largest Asian gang in the United States.

"Year Zero" comes off so well because it's entirely absent of the predictable characters and yawn-inducing structure found in plays exploring similar subject matter. The ultra-modern setting is jarring at first, but actually serves as the perfect backdrop for two kids following different versions of the American dream.

Huynh and Corpuz give believable performances as brother and sister, from the arguing over chores to those stupid fights you later regret. But it's Chiou's literally giant contribution as TRG gangster Han that gives the drama heft.

It's funny. The sibling's coming-of-age part of the story works far better than Han's "West Side Story" redux or even his tenderly clumsy romance with Ra. But Chiou brings a raw sexuality and intimidating size to Han that sears the stage when some of this tough guy's long-dormant emotions bubble to the surface.

Chiou puts an unexpectedly poignant face on this raw, uncompromising tale of immigrant children. Only one generation removed and assimilating with American culture in record time does little to silence the ghosts of a terrible tragedy.

Natural Resources and Environment Minister Suwit Khunkitti met Unesco director-general Irina Bokova yesterday in a bid to postpone consideration of Cambodia's management plan for Preah Vihear temple.

The plan, which sets measures to manage the 11th-century Hindu ruins and nearby area of 4.6 sq km, is opposed by Bangkok as it covers areas believed to be on Thai soil.

Without a Thai-Cambodian agreement to jointly demarcate borders, the plan will only escalate the ongoing border dispute, the government says.

Speaking before the meeting with Ms Bokova in Paris, Mr Suwit said he would also ask Unesco to look into Phnom Penh's use of US$50,000 (1.5 million baht) financial aid from the world body. Mr Suwit said Cambodia reportedly spent the money to improve basic facilities at a village outside Preah Vihear temple, not on the rehabilitation of the temple's stairways as claimed. (sic! Suwit must be on Yaba)

The minister said he would ask Ms Bokova whether this was in line with the conditions set by Unesco. Bangkok is concerned Phnom Penh may claim ownership over the village area, which is situated in Thai territory.

The minister is heading the Thai delegation at the 35th meeting of the World Heritage Committee (WHC) under the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation, which began yesterday and runs until June 29.

Consideration of the management plan for the temple, the 62nd agenda of the WHC meeting, is expected to be raised for discussion on Thursday. The Thai team is preparing to send formal letters explaining its stance on the issue to the meeting chairman, who comes from Bahrain, and other WHC members from 19 nations.

The WHC named the temple a World Heritage site in 2008, which has led to deadly border clashes between Thailand and Cambodia.

The 48-year-old, also known as Ya Pao, should have been arrested with three three suspects at Ban Phum Srol in Kantharalak district, Si Sa Ket, on June 7. Authorities believe he is the leader of the gang, comprising another Cambodian, one Thai and one Vietnamese, on a secret mission to allegedly scout Thai military bases and locations at the border for Phnom Penh. They were caught red-handed with a map identifying the army's strategic sites. The army chief of the second region, Lt Gen Thawatchai Samutsakhon, said they confessed to authorities that they were spies.

That was supposed to be good news for Thailand. Their alleged confession and arrest would show the world that the Cambodian government has not given up plans to militarily target Thailand. Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva is even thinking about telling the International Court of Justice and the World Heritage Committee about this alleged espionage case, as it could prove favourable to Thailand's position.

Don't forget that the world court at The Hague is to rule within weeks on whether Thailand should temporarily end all military and other activities in the 4.6-square-kilometre disputed area around Preah Vihear temple. The WHC is assembling in Paris and one of its hottest agendas is the stalled management plan in the overlapping zone pushed by Phnom Penh and blocked by Bangkok. In addition to that, authorities hope that the alleged spies could be a chip to bargain for the release of Veera Somkwamkid of the Thai Patriots Network and Ratree Pipatanapaiboon, his secretary. Remember them? The two are serving jail terms at Prey Sar prison after being found guilty on two counts of illegally sneaking into Cambodia and espionage on Dec 29 last year.

So far, the Cambodian government seems not to be bothered by its people having been arrested and facing serious charges. It even accused Thailand of cooking up this case to have grounds to attack its country in the future. "The Royal Government of Cambodia wishes to assert that the above fabrication is only a pretext to justify future aggression against Cambodia," its Foreign Ministry said in a statement released on June 10.

That's how Phnom Penh sees it. It would be very strange if the Cambodian government had come out to admit that it had indeed sent people to spy on the Thai army.

Let the Thai judicial process answer this question after police forward the case to the court.

But another question remains unanswered. How on earth did Thai authorities let Mr Wichai slip through their hands so easily?

Mr Wichai managed to escape arrest as security forces captured the other three. He is believed to have returned home through the Aranyaprathet-Poipet checkpoint two days later. Letting him escape is an embarrassment for Thailand. It is even more embarrassing to see no alert from immigration and other authorities in charge of our borders, to bar him from crossing back into Cambodia.

Deputy Prime Minister Suthep Thaugsuban came out to protect soldiers and police, saying they did their best and should not be faulted for failing to capture the suspected spy leader.

But in fact they should be punished for their failure to catch the big fish. But now the country is in election mode. The Democrat Party-led coalition government doesn't feel like doing anything but carry out political campaigns as polling day nears and its political arch-rival, the Pheu Thai Party, is ahead in several polls. Don't be surprised if nobody comes out to shed any more light on how Mr Wichai escaped arrest.

As for Veera and Ratree, the two have to pray that the Democrats will get another chance to lead a coalition government. Their fate obviously relies on this party to help them out of jail, instead of having them serve their full term. The court in Phnom Penh handed Veera an 8-year jail term and Ratree 6 years.

If Pheu Thai gets the chance to form the government, it will not bother pursuing attempts to secure their release, given the duo's role in rallying against the then government led by the People Power Party, on its handling of the Preah Vihear issue. The Democrats will help them but Pheu Thai definitely won't.

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As the UN-backed war crimes court in Cambodia prepares to open its trial this week of top leaders of the brutal Khmer Rouge regime, tension and criticisms are mounting in its handling of two pretrial investigations. The cases potentially cover tens of thousands of deaths during the ultra-Maoist government in the late 70s -- which in total, killed an estimated 1.7 million people.

Clair Duffy is a court monitor for a George Soros-funded organization. Her group called on the UN to probe the tribunal for interference.

The government here has publicly opposed those cases, with Prime Minister Hun Sen claiming that prosecuting them could lead to civil war. Public information on the cases is scarce, in contrast to statements given during the current trial's investigating phase. The suspects' names have only been published in the past two weeks, with media citing leaked documents. Moreover, Duffy says judges have not assigned legal counsel to the suspects in part to limit the record.

Her group urged the UN to look into the co-investigating judges, Sigfried Blunk of Germany and You Bun Leng of Cambodia, for incompetence and judicial independence. The secretary general's office responded by rejecting what it called media speculation.

But a spokeswoman at the court, Yuko Maeda, points out that the judges announcement that they had concluded their investigation doesn't actually signify finality. She explained a back-and-forth process of appeals and requests before the pretrial phase is finished, some of which is ongoing.

Meanwhile, the investigating judges most recent statement, released Friday, warns news outlets from releasing confidential information, threatening them with court action.

This afternoon (June 19), the Liberal International congress which was held in Manila, Philippine, ended its meeting with speeches by Liberal Leaders where Opposition Leader Sam Rainsy gave a comparison between the fall of dictatorship rulers in the Middle East and the situation in Cambodia. Mr. Sam Rainsy also asked the liberal members to help improve the election process in Cambodia and to use their influences to ensure the full and comprehensive implementation of the 1993 Paris Peace Agreements on Cambodia. The Liberal International congress was attended by numerous government ministers, president, deputy speakers from EU and other continents.

In honoring Father's Day, it is my wish to share this video on Khmer-Krom activities at the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (May 16th-27th, 2011) with all the fathers out there.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gXdZRKnxUnA&feature=youtu.be

VIII. FACTUAL FINDINGS OF CRIMES

You know, for a long time people all over the world waited for this trial, because after the crash of Pol Pot's regime, and when one could see the crimes of this regime, there was a popular demand for this trial, and the United Nations asked the new Khmeran power to organize this trial with the help of the United Nations, with the help of the experts of the United Nations, and there were many American scientists and specialists who went to Cambodia to help Khmeran people find the places of all these crimes of the Pol Pot regime, but for a long, long time the Cambodian government under Hun Sen's leadership rejected this demand, and the reason was that this trial could divide the Cambodian society once again, because a lot of people in Cambodia, especially poor peasants still supported some of Pol Pot's ideas of common life, of quality in different spheres, of full independence, and so on. So the Cambodian government tried not to organize this trial but tried to make one step after another, and say that today it is impossible, tomorrow – different obstacles, and so on. During this period of time some of the main people for this trial died, and now the situation is, I think it is very favorable for this trial, because the real leaders of Khmer Rouge, they are simply 80 years old, or 82, 83 years old, and this trial would be something as a theater, not a real political event, but a theater with old figures that go to the trial at the finish of their life, and I think that from this point of view this trial would be, because no danger for the Cambodian government, but in fact the reason for not organizing this trial because of social difference and social instability was only one reason, another reason was that the leaders of this Khmer people's revolutionary party, now it is Khmer party, Khmer people's party, they are former Khmer Rouge, and so they maybe thought that if this trial is opened, somebody will remember their activities during the period when they were functionaries of the Pol Pot regime, because all of them left this regime not in 1975, when the regime conquered the power, but, for example, Hun Sen left Khmer Rouge in 1977, Chea Sim, second figure in the Cambodian leadership, left Khmer Rouge in 1978, several months before the crash of the Pol Pot regime, and other people who form the leadership group of People's party, they were afraid that during this trial some facts of their activities, when they took part, maybe not in the crimes, but they saw this situation, they took part in collectivization, for example, they took part in evacuation of people from Phnom Penh streets, etc, different crimes, a lot of crimes in Cambodia during this period of time, and so they wanted not to organize this trial, because they were afraid that this trial could be not only over former Khmer Rouge leadership, but it could change the direction of the current leadership of Cambodia, and so they decided not to organize it. It was a very serious problem, because the United Nations, the United States and other states gave the money to organize the trial, because in fact they said: we don't have money, Cambodia is a very poor country, and we don't have money for organizing such a huge trial with international observers, with journalists, so we don't have money. So the United Nations and the United States said: we will give you money. So they tried to find other reasons not to organize it. But now, when the leaders of modern Cambodia, they are also not young people, and I think they will very soon be changed by another generation of politicians, so they decided to organize this trial and to finish this story.

Yes, the Pol Pot period in fact is the period that this regime was in power, from 1975 till 1979, when Vietnamese troops came and overthrew the Pol Pot regime. But as of archives, I think it was very interesting work, because some archives of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs were opened for specialists, for scholars, and opened of the period of time from 1955 till 1990, and I had an opportunity to see these archives, and among the documents that I saw there were some documents that I didn't even think I could find, for instance, some letters from Russian representatives in Phnom Penh in 1975, when Pol Pot troops entered the city and conquered the city, so in fact there were some people, not only one person as everybody knew, but 4 people that were in Phnom Penh and they had to have some ties with the leaders of this regime, and I saw some telegrams; what happened in Phnom Penh, what they saw at this period of time, because they left the Russian Embassy and they went to the town, and they saw the situation, and I saw this telegram, and then they were arrested and they were on the verge of death.

Yes, they survived, because they said that we are Soviets, and so we are Communists, and so don't take us, but in fact they were in a camp, and everything was ready to kill them, but suddenly an officer came and they were freed, - not freed, but they went to the French Embassy, and then 300km by foot to Thailand's border. It is only one fact, another… There are many different facts, for example some documents connected to Soviet - American negotiations about the situation in Cambodia, Vietnam's presence in Cambodia during the Vietnam War, so how the Americans tried to persuade the Soviet representative to influence Vietnamese leadership for finishing this war or for withdrawal of the troops, different documents of Sihanouk's relations, Sihanouk was the king of Cambodia and leader of Cambodia, he was overthrown in 1970 during the putsch, so his negotiations with the Soviet leaders, how Soviet leaders viewed Cambodia at that period of time, and how their attitude towards Sihanouk, for example, you know, Sihanouk came to Moscow in 1970, when the putsch began in Phnom Penh, and he received this information from the Russian Prime-Minister, and Mr. Kosygin asked him to leave Moscow, because the situation is very grave in his capital, and Sihanouk asked not to leave Moscow, he wanted to stay in Moscow, not to go from Moscow, and Soviet leaders said – No, you can't stay here, go away; and all this we can see in the documents in my book. Another situation...for example, the situation in Cambodia in 1993, when before the elections there were two factions in the People's party, one faction is Hun Sen's, it is Moderates, and the other one is Conservative, by Chea Sim, and so they wanted to dissolve and to form two different parties, and so that would be the end of the revolutionary, communist pro-Vietnamese movement in Cambodia, and the old revolutionary president of Vietnam came to Phnom Penh as a guest for this meeting and he had a very serious speech and he told them – if you divide in several years nobody will remember you, you have to unite and to re-unite once again and you will be in power, and we will help you. It was a secret visit, it was a secret meeting, and after that they re-united, and till now the leaders of Cambodia are Hun Sen and Chea Sim, you see, it was from 1993. And the main thing in Cambodia is that if you look at the leadership during the Communist period, during the period of the Vietnamese occupation, you will see Hun Sen, Chea Sim, Heng Samrin. And now, after all these years, after democratic elections, you once again see Hun Sen, Chea Sim and Heng Samrin is very old to have some state powers, but in fact all of them are leaders, they are still the leaders.

Yes, you see, Cambodia once again shows us something separate with the development of this country, once again, because in fact all these leaders are still leaders because of democratic, really democratic elections, and the most interesting situation is that from one election to another election the amount of people who choose them is rising, they are getting more and more support, because their policy is something as in many after- or post-Communist regimes, you see, in fact what the main thing in these post-Communist regimes, is when we can see the post-Communist leaders, former Communists, but now they are not Communists, they know their Communist origins, and they know the real power of people, and they understand that to have power you need to have support of people, even when you have a lot of houses, as now, you have a lot of money, enterprises, business, and everybody knew in Cambodia that all these members of the leadership, everybody has their own business, very rich people, but you have to think about people not as simple things that are somewhere down, but you have to give money, acceptance etc.for the people, and you have to create new ideas for the people, it is very important, and for People's Party, from one election to another election, they made different programs, but the main thing in their programs was the idea of equality, the idea of social justice, fight against social differences, help for poor people, etc, and I think that this helped them, because the political opponents, it is the pro-Sihanouk party and the pro-western party, now it is a party of Sam Rainsy, you see, their ideas are very, very separate, you know, for rich people, not for the common people living in the villages.

These are very interesting things you are telling me, because the way I understand it, it is just another proof, that political technologies taken from another region of the world, don't take into account the local mindset, which is extremely different, and that is why they don't work, and they don't make the country happy.

Yes, I think it is a very interesting thing. You see, the post-Communist regime as we can say in Vietnam, it is not a post-Communist regime, it is a Communist regime, in fact, in China, in Cambodia, in Laos…you see, their development and their success, everybody can see, and you can see that these countries are unique, yes, they have some social problems, but these problems they can solve inside, without such accidents as in Thailand, without such situation, grave situation with the regime as in Myanmar. So we can see that there are two ideas, because we have to understand that communism for all these countries is a modernization theory, it is not as we can usually think a theory from the past, for them it is a theory of European modernization, in different spheres, and from my point of view, I am not a communist, but it is a very understandable modernization, modernization through the people, through a new system of education, new system of medicine, and it is not like in Thailand, maybe the situation there is better, so it is another topic, but you can see it is a private business, and for common people it is very difficult, but in Cambodia, it is education for everyone, medical assistance for everyone, and there are some social guarantees for everyone. It is everything from the Communist past, because at that time they adapted all these laws, but they didn't reject from them during this period of time, now Cambodia is a democratic power, democratic state with a king, and with a parliament that had all the power, but in fact you can see some ideas from the west, but a very great part of the practical policy is from the Communist past.

I have already told you that they were on the verge of dissolution. I think it depends on the personal quality of the people, of the leadership, and from the tradition of the political party. You know, the People's party began its living, began its activity during the Vietnamese rule, and in Cambodia there was a usual thing when political parties are against each other, very often there are fights, putsches, and so on, they cannot find a compromise, and so it was in Cambodia in 1981, when there were two groups and one of them tried to take all the power during this Vietnamese rule and tried to arrest the leader of the other group and his group of former Khmer Rouge functionaries. So Vietnamese stopped, because Vietnamese were over them, they stopped these contradictions, and told the representatives of these two groups: you have to leave peacefully, because if you don't find a compromise, you will leave the leadership, you will not be political leaders in Cambodia, and so the inside People's Party, because of this Vietnamese message, danger for people, they had to find compromises for all the problems, for collectivization, for trade policy, etc. and this experiment and this experience was very effective for People's party, so they were ready for a compromise, and when they had to make this final compromise about power, they were ready for it, because their experience before was for this compromise, between leaders and between members of their commands. Some observers, beginning from 1990, 1993, every year they write – this year the People's party will be dissolved, because everybody knows that there are two groups, but in fact nothing, every time on every question they can find a compromise, and that is a guarantee for the power, they are together, they understand that only together we can be on the top.

The rate is very high, I think like 8-10% every year.

I think 10 years, more than 10 years.

Just like Chinese.

A little lower than Chinese, but very quickly. They have oil now, they have different things.

Yes, it is very attractive, for example, in the sphere of tourism, in the banking sphere, and I was in Phnom Penh, in December, so there were a lot of new buildings.

Huoy Meas - Srolanh Ter Bang Muoy (Love only you)

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LVeIejlImCA&feature=related

Huoy Meas - Sa'ek Heuy Sa'ek Teat (One day after another)

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ImrQysUCbpY&feature=related

Cambodia shocked Thailand recently, after owning the Preah Vihear temple for 49 years. On April 28, 2011, Cambodia submitted a request to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) for an interpretation of the Court's judgment from June 15, 1962. After a month, the ICJ began hearings at the Hague on May 30-31, 2011.

"Only the clarification of the verdict on June 15 from the ICJ can end the border dispute. The border conflict does not end with a ceasefire or the third-party observers, which can only help ease the tense situation for awaiting the border resolution," Cambodian PM Hun Sen said at a graduation ceremony at the Royal University of Phnom Penh on Feb. 22, 2011.

"It's impossible for the joint management plan for Preah Vihear temple with Thailand [to work]," Hun Sen reiterated recently.

Cambodia brought forth a legal petition to the ICJ merely to find legal justification to urge Thailand to withdraw its military from the sites, to ban all Thai military activities at Preah Vihear's border and to stop acts that can be categorized by Cambodia as intervention.

To counter this, there are three basic arguments for Thailand that have been made against Cambodia, as argued by the head of the Thai delegation at the ICJ.

As Prof. Alain Pellet said, "Thailand believed the Temple case of 1962 was not related to the issue of the boundary line — and since Thailand had duly complied with the ICJ judgment, there would be no issue requiring interpretation."

Furthermore, Prof. James Crawford said, "[The] ICJ had no jurisdiction and authority to make additional decisions for Cambodia, as the case was outside the scope of the Court's jurisdiction." Prof. Donald M. McRae further added that Cambodia's request for indication of provisional measures "did not satisfy the court's criteria.

The ICJ had no urgency or imminence to justify the demand of Cambodia. Cambodia's request was unbalanced and highlighted progress made on the ground, including on the issue of dispatching an Indonesian Observers Team to the Thai side of the border."

Starting from those contrasting illustrations, the ICJ's judgement will not be easily accepted or automatically put peace in place. In the next 45 days — around July 15, 2011, as promised, the ICJ will have an answer. Thai-Cambodian relations, in turn, will not be the same again, with the existing conflict prevailing and no immediate end in sight.

Whatever the ICJ's statement, one of the conflicting parties will not be in favor nor want to comply. For example, no one will withdraw the soldiers from the borders as it will eliminate their own respective sovereignty.

The Thai-Cambodian dispute is at stand-still, and disagreement will continue. Peace is again at stake, but hopefully the ceasefire can still be controlled at the border.

As long as Thailand and Cambodia restrict their dispute to political parameters, they have a right to settle the issue at hand. However, when a war is declared, endangering the civil society and the stabilization of the Southeast Asian region, ASEAN has the right to find a solution. Indonesia, as the ASEAN 2011 chairman, did. Even the UNSC mandated ASEAN to find immediate political mechanisms to mediate the conflict through establishing a workable ceasefire.

The question is, why did Cambodia undergo a trilateral negotiation with Thailand and Indonesia on May 9, 2011, in Jakarta, and then, a week before the 2011 ASEAN summit, bring the case before the ICJ? Jakarta's package solution from May 9, 2011, which had been agreed upon by Thailand and Cambodia, was the most realistic workable solution.

When Cambodia decided to bring the case before the ICJ, it ensured that peace would not be established immediately. Even in the case of no-compliance, the UNSC, if necessary, can send a peacekeeping mission to the Thai-Cambodian border during conflict.

As members of the ASEAN family — who expects peace — it is disappointing to see how Thailand and Cambodia irresponsibly and deliberately disregarded their previous commitment to implementing Jakarta's May 9, 2011, package solution.

This is the clearest example of a broken commitment amid the ASEAN community-building process. The way that Thailand and Cambodia heve dealt with their border dispute is disgraceful.

It is more than a negative political lesson that is being learned and witnessed by our fathers, children and the younger ASEAN generation. The right to peace, security and stability in the Southeast Asian region is our ultimate goal for the future, not the past.

ASEAN's sacred mission of achieving peace, stability and prosperity must be built and strengthened by our leaders' true commitment and honesty — not by their empty promises.

As we already know, the Metfone Co. is a rather popular phone company because it provides reasonable Internet access price. In the past, this company was accused by its Internet users because it is biased against the www.ki-media.blogspot.com, however, this issue was rejected by both the government and the Metfone Co. which claimed that there is no policy against shutting down this website.

However, recently, I also expressed in my various opinions that this website should not continued to be closed, but that it should change its domain name. Regarding this issue, I am not certain if thing is happening as what I complained about because I do not use Metfone as my ISP. Coincidentally today, during my lunch, I decided to use my laptop with the Free WIFI access provided by the restaurant. I proceeded to check the KI-Media website, but to my surprise, when I accessed KI-Media, I ended reaching the everyday.com.kh website instead.

Immediately, it occurred to me that Metfone must have been the Internet service provider for the restaurant. So I decided to ask an employee of the restaurant and the person confirmed to me that it was indeed the Metfone ISP. I attempted to open the KI-Media website several times, but the problem remains the same.

Therefore, you wonder if the Metfone Co. is really discriminating against KI-Media or not? For one thing, we know that Metfone is Vietnamese investment company.

KI-Media is popular website that usually openly criticizes the government. Earlier on, it was blocked once already, but numerous users complaints about [this blocking]. Currently, all websites hosted by blogspot can be accessed normally, with the single exception for KI-Media because when you try to reach ki-media.blogspot.com, the user is automatically transferred to everyday.com.kh instead.

Now, there is no need to worry about this company anymore, even if a website is blocked, you can still access it normally by using one of the following proxy server websites:

These proxy server websites can open any blocked websites, for example, at my workplace, all access to Facebook has been blocked and cannot be accessed, but by the using the proxy server above, you can access any website you want.

Udonthani, Thailand - Nong Bua, a small village of less than a hundred families on the outskirts of Udonthani city in north-east Thailand, has declared itself 'red.'

In a ceremony on June 15, inaugurated by Buddhist monks and followed by lectures on democracy and a peppy performance by the local school band, Nong Bua became the 217th 'Red Shirt Village' in Udonthani province, 450 kilometres north-east of Bangkok.

About 40 villagers, mostly elderly, had gathered in the town's communal hall for the ceremony, many of them sporting red T-shirts with the words 'We love Thaksin' emblazoned on the back.

They sat in front of a large billboard that reads 'Red Shirt Village for Democracy,' with a picture of a smiling Thaksin Shinawatra, Thailand's former prime minister who was ousted by a coup in September 2006.

'By becoming a red shirt village the people are more united and think the same,' said Don Chainapun, an advisor for the red shirt village movement. 'But this has nothing to do with the election.' Thailand is heading for a general election on July 3.

This month the launch of new red shirt villages has taken off in the north-east, home to about one-third of the Thai population of 65 million, and a traditional stronghold Thaksin, the de facto leader of the Pheu Thai party.

The party is expected to sweep the North-eastern provinces in the upcoming polls.

Thaksin, who has been living in self-exile to avoid a two year jail sentence on an abuse-of-power verdict, was also a prime mover behind last year's red shirt movement, officially called the United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship (UDD).

The UDD mobilized tens of thousands of protesters from north and north-east Thailand to descend on Bangkok in March-May to press Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva to dissolve parliament and call for a general election.

The protests led to bloody street battles between demonstrators and authorities that left 92 dead, including nine police and soldiers, and ended on May 19 with the arrests of hundreds of red shirt followers and their top leadership.

The government crackdown on the red shirts has left many people bitter, especially in the north-east where the majority of casualties hailed from.

A widespread perception that the victims of the bloodshed have not received justice and the government has not accepted responsibility for their deaths is one explanation for the birth of red shirt villages.

'These people had a feeling that they had been crushed by Bangkok,' said Buapan Promphaping, a social science professor at Khon Kaen University. 'Their relatives and friends were killed and arrested and they needed help, so it was necessary for them to unite.'

But the proliferation of new red shirt villages right before the general election, has raised questions about what is really behind the phenomenon.

Maha Sarakham Governor Thongthawee Pimpsen has reportedly vowed to crack down on red shirt villages in his province for breaching laws on local government.

The criticisms are not limited to Thai authorities.

'I think the red shirt villages are wrong,' said Taworn Sansombat, the former village headman of Baan Kamplalai, in the north-eastern province of Khon Kaen. 'Villages should be open to all political parties. In this village we are very democratic. If we want to vote for someone it's our own business.'

Even some of the red shirt leaders question the motives of those behind the red shirt village push.

'They are just causing problems for the villagers,' said Kwanchai Praipana, an Udonthani red shirt leader who spent nine months in jail after his arrest in May. 'I think some of the organizers are just trying to get the Pheu Thai party interested in them.'

The phenomenon points to the rather amorphous nature of the red shirt movement, which at times seems very well organized, as was witnessed during the 69-days of protests in Bangkok, and at other times appears grass-roots driven.

One thing is obvious: the red shirt movement, and now the red shirt villages, will be a political force in Thailand's post-election period, even if the Pheu Thai party wins and leads the next government.

'We will keep setting up red shirt villages, even after the election,' said Sangiem Samranrat, a former Thai police officer who quit his job to join the red shirt movement in 2009. Sangiem now lectures newly opened red shirt villages on the Thai constitution and democracy.

'We want to tell the Pheu Thai party that they better do something for the good of the people if they become the government, otherwise they will hear from us,' Sangiem said.

HANOI, Vietnam (AP) — Hundreds of people in Vietnam launched a third week of protests against China on Sunday amid escalating tensions in the disputed waters of the South China Sea, where both countries recently conducted live-fire military drills.

About 300 people gathered near the Chinese Embassy in the capital, Hanoi, and marched through the streets, yelling "Down With China!" and demanding that their powerful northern neighbor stay out of Vietnam's territory. Crowds also gathered in southern Ho Chi Minh City.

"We will fight for our country if the nation needs us," said student Nguyen Manh Ha, 20. "Not only me, but all Vietnamese people will die to protect our territory."

Protests are extremely rare in Vietnam and are typically quashed quickly by security forces, but Hanoi has allowed the demonstrations to go on for the past three Sundays.

"I'm here today to protect my country from an invading China," said Nguyen Long, 82, who fought in a short, bloody land border war with China in 1979. "I'm sure those in the embassy are listening to us shouting 'Down With China!'"

Relations between the communist countries hit a low point after two incidents in the past month involving clashes between Chinese and Vietnamese boats in the South China Sea.

Vietnam accuses Chinese vessels of hindering oil exploration surveys in an area 200 nautical miles off its central coast that it claims as its economic exclusive zone. China says Vietnam illegally entered its waters near the disputed Spratly islands and endangered Chinese fishermen.

The two sides have a long history of exchanging diplomatic jabs over maritime incidents, mainly involving areas around the believed resource-rich Spratly and Paracel islands, which are claimed all or in part by Vietnam, China and several other Asian countries. But the current spat has become much more hostile.

Vietnam held live-fire naval exercises off its central coast last Monday — the same day the government issued an order outlining who would be exempt from a military draft. On Friday, China announced it had also recently held three days and nights of drills in the South China Sea, though it did not give exact dates.

The United States has said the South China Sea, home to key shipping lanes, is in its national interest. China says territorial disputes should be handled one-on-one, but Vietnam has said it welcomes foreign assistance to maintain regional peace and stability.

The U.S. and Vietnam issued a joint statement Friday following an annual defense dialogue, with Washington saying the recent "troubling" incidents raise concerns about maritime security.

NEW DELHI: The recent scare about China diverting the course of the Brahmaputra River is not the first time that India has expressed concerns about its Communist neighbour's hydel projects, and is unlikely to be the last.

New Delhi isn't the only country voicing these concerns as China's abhorrence of any proposal to share natural resources has caused consternation in other south-east Asian nations like Vietnam, Cambodia, Thailand and Laos as well. Beijing is planning to build three more mega dams on the downstream Mekong River in addition six existing ones. Mekong flows these lower riparian states.

China's increasing economic prowess has made it immune from any international pressure. Hence, all the lower riparian states around it have no option but to fend for themselves.

India's putative future losses because of China's preoccupation with mega dams is pegged at the highest among all the other south-east Asian nations since most of its major rivers originate in Tibet.

To make matters worse, any mention of surveillance by satellites tends to evoke vociferous allegations of snooping from China. Beijing admitted as late as last year that it was building the Zangmu dam on the Brahmaputra River since the satellite imagery was a giveaway.

"China has always been unapologetic about its refusal to enter into water sharing agreements with any states. It has always maintained that it would take into account interests of the lower riparian states but about half of the world's total number of large dams are in China. India, with so many of its major rivers originating in Tibet, is going to be among the worst affected. The issue is usually soft pedalled by the water resources ministry, and there is never any international pressure on this though the list of countries suffering because of China's refusal is quite long including Russia, Kazakhstan, Burma, Thailand, Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos," says strategic affairs expert Brahma Chellaney.

However, there is hardly anything secret about these projects. Most of them are in the public domain, and the companies executing them have never made any bones about it.

Kanggong, Qudang, Sangdangla, Shali and Laxiang are the projects lined up on the Bamchu by China. At 420MW, Qudang has the highest output.

China has always maintained that the projects on the Brahmaputra are not storage type, but run of the river. But Chellaney says India may do well to keep an eye on what's happening in Mekong, where some of the dams that have been conceived are of 6,000-8,000 MW capacity. India's highest installed hydropower capacity is about 1,500 MW. "China has a way of gradually increasing the size of projects. They have done that in Mekong," Chellaney says.

The problem is not just about dams. "As lower riparian states, anything that China does that may change the nature of the aquifer will have implications for both India and Nepal. Pollution in rivers too is a matter of concern. Besides, there is no water sharing agreement in place," says S K Sharma, former member of the Central Ground Water Board (CGWB) and ADB consultant on climate change.

VIII. FACTUAL FINDINGS OF CRIMES