KI Media: “Kerry Kennedy arrives today in Phnom Penh to launch Speak Truth To Power” plus 24 more

JAKARTA : Asean chairman and Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa believes in adopting an incremental and step-by-step approach to help Thailand and Cambodia move towards a peaceful resolution to their border dispute.

"I don't think it is impossible to find a solution," he told the Bangkok Post in an exclusive interview on the eve of the informal Asean foreign ministers meeting here today.

Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya said on Sunday Thailand would ask Indonesia to send representatives to observe the operations of Thai soldiers.

The observers would stay with Thai soldiers on the Thai side of the border. Cambodia has asked for Asean observers.

See also: Thais sceptical over truce with Cambodia

Mr Marty met his Cambodian counterpart, Hor Namhong, and Mr Kasit after they arrived in the Indonesian capital last night.

The Indonesian foreign minister said he aimed to create a comfortable atmosphere for both sides and wants to facilitate conditions for the two countries to resolve their differences.

"I am not pessimistic," he said.

He said the decision by the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) urging Thailand and Cambodia to sort out their problems peacefully and to seek Asean assistance was a reality check for all sides, even Asean.

Mr Marty said meetings with his Cambodian and Thai counterparts on Feb 7 and Feb 8, respectively, helped the situation.

He believes that had the meetings not taken place prior to the UNSC talks, "we would be in a situation of being told what to do".

The Indonesian foreign minister said although the UNSC had set no deadlines as to when progress needed to be made, "I am keen to report to the UNSC earlier rather than later. I am talking weeks, not months".

Mr Marty said he has been in constant contact with Hor Namhong and Mr Kasit and was aware of the spectrum of views.

"I don't think it is impossible to find a solution," he said, adding that Indonesia stood ready to be part of any modality that leads to a resolution.

He pointed out that Indonesia was not shy to ask for Asean assistance.

"As a country, we are open enough to ask for help from our friends," he said, referring to the time Thailand was asked for assistance when Indonesia faced problems with separatist movements in East Timor and Aceh.

The Asean chair said that the more substantive issue for today's meeting was the negotiation process.

"I don't think Thailand is averse to having Indonesia involved if we proceed incrementally, step by step.

"We are aware of the sensitivities," he said.

In his letter inviting the Asean foreign ministers to the urgent meeting today, Mr Marty referred to the need for a higher commitment to the ceasefire and the possibility of enhanced communications between Thailand and Cambodia to prevent the outbreak of fresh incidents.

He said Asean could be an intermediary in such communications and that today's talks would touch on this issue as well.

Mr Marty indicated he was aware that Cambodia wished to have a ceasefire formalised at the Asean foreign ministers' meeting, but would sooner see evidence of a genuine commitment rather than the mere signing of documents.

"The region is under the spotlight and there are positive expectations internationally. We have to wage peace like we wage war," he said, adding that a solution was not easy as both countries had their own dynamics.

Mr Marty said he understood that the dispute must be solved bilaterally and peacefully, "but I want to tell my colleagues, use Asean".

He added: "Asean is not the panacea, but we can create conditions that can help solve the problem.

"We need to proceed quickly and nip this at the bud."

Mr Marty said that while he remained focused on the key issues for today's meeting, "I am already looking ahead past tomorrow".

"The solution does not have to be either/or, but can be bilateral, regional or global, all working and complementing each other."

Meanwhile, Asean secretary-general Surin Pitsuwan said yesterday today's meeting was a reminder of Asean's past achievements.

"We have reasons to be optimistic," he said, noting that member states assisted in the restoration of law and order in East Timor when the people fought for independence from Indonesia in 1999, and helped Burma to open up for international assistance after the devastation of Cyclone Nargis in May 2008.

Thai troops are sceptical of a proposed truce with Cambodia holding any weight, with the Suranaree Task Force claiming Cambodia has broken 121 agreements relating to a memorandum of understanding signed in 2000 aimed at avoiding border disputes.

Thai troops have raised concerns whether their Cambodian counterparts would keep their promise on any truce.

Army chief-of-staff Dapong Rattanasuwan led a team on Saturday in ceasefire talks with Maj Gen Hun Manet, the deputy army chief of Cambodia. An eight-point agreement was reached.

The Suranaree Task Force said yesterday Cambodia had violated border and military agreements over the disputed 4.6-square-kilometre site 121 times in the 11 years since the two countries signed a memorandum on surveying and demarcating the boundary in an effort to avoid disputes.

The violations allegedly include construction and renovation of Wat Keo Sikha Kiri Svara, building roads to Preah Vihear temple, building shops and markets near Preah Vihear, building accommodation in the area, building military shelters, erecting a ladder to Preah Vihear, the construction of a telephone signal pole and building a cable car on Phu Makhua mountain, west of Preah Vihear.

Cambodia also built 935 steps to Phu Makhua in breach of the agreements, the task force said.

The 2000 memorandum and military agreements bars the two countries from building or making geographic or landscape changes in the area.

"Cambodia's proposal for the unilateral listing of Preah Vihear as a world heritage site also broke the agreement because of the unsettled demarcation," the task force said in its statement.

The Suranaree Task Force reached an agreement with the Cambodian forces to reduce troop levels at Wat Keo Sikha Kiri Svara and the nearby area to 30 each but Cambodia gradually reinforced its troops to about 1,000 at the temple and at Preah Vihear, the task force said.

Thai and Cambodian troops also reached an agreement on Oct 27 last year to adjust their forces to ease tensions in the disputed area.

"The Thai army adjusted its forces as requested but the Cambodian side hid its troops and heavy arms in disputed areas and refused Thai requests for examination," the task force said.

The Thai army yesterday took military attaches from 14 countries to see the damage caused by Cambodian shelling during the fighting from Feb 4-7.

Army deputy chief-of-staff Sirichai Dithakul took the attaches to Ban Phum Srol in Si Sa Ket's Kantharalak district, which was worst hit by the cross-border fire.

One villager was killed and others were wounded. Tens of thousands of villagers along the border were evacuated.

The attaches taking part in the border visit represented the US, France, China, Japan, Russia, South Korea, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Burma, Singapore, Vietnam, Brunei and the Philippines. The Cambodian military attache did not join the group.

"Thai soldiers want the conflict to be solved through negotiation and peaceful means," Lt Gen Sirichai told the attaches. "We don't want to invade any country but only to protect our sovereignty."

A military source said Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya asked Defence Minister Prawit Wongsuwon to invite the military attaches to the border.

Today at the Parliament, the press asked the Prime Minister regarding the proposal of Cambodia to involve ASEAN in the Thai-Cambodia border issue, especially on the proposal for ASEAN to witness the bilateral discussions.

The Prime Minister responded by saying that ASEAN's position on this is not different from their previously stated position, and ASEAN will not intervene in the substance that will be discussed. The Prime Minister said that he has not been informed of the exact details of the format proposed by Cambodia, but he said that this is a matter that must be discussed between the two sides. Thailand is ready to be in dialogue, and is open to hear how ASEAN would be involved in the matter. The Prime Minister believed that ASEAN would not intervene and ASEAN would hope for member states to not be engaged in conflict or clashes, and not use weapons or violence against each other.

The press also asked whether an involvement of ASEAN in the issue or in witnessing the negotiations would be seen as third party intervention, exerting pressure, or not. The Prime Minister replied that it may not be so, as negotiations must have clarity, in the same way that the sending of representatives to the ground must also have clear scope and limitations. If third countries are to be involved, it must be clear what the status of their involvement is. The Prime Minister reiterated that ASEAN had announced clearly that the substantive discussions are purely the matter of the two parties. The Prime Minister said that it can be considered that the Cambodian Prime Minister accepts the return to the JBC process, which is part of the bilateral process.

On the same day, the Prime Minister responded to questions about the invitation of the Radio and Television Journalists Association of Thailand to a public forum to discuss the border issue. The Association had earlier invited the PAD but had not set a date and venue. The Prime Minister said that in principle, the Government does not object to the proposal, and it would depend on the timing. The objective of the forum must be clearly to create understanding and unity in Thai society, not to become a forum for arguments for the world to see. If al parties have sincerity, it would be appropriate to talk to create understanding on a sense of responsibility. It should not be a forum to broadcast sensitive information, as it would undermine Thailand's position. The Government has always been ready to work with all sides on this issue, and Thailand would benefit from the sharing of information. This process would move Thailand forward in unity, and solve the pending problems.

Shelling and shots on the Thai-Cambodian border between Feb 4 and 7 have inflicted casualties and deaths among soldiers as well as civilians. Voices call for the Association of South-east Asian Nations (ASEAN) to intervene. At its ministerial meeting today, the regional group must be seen to do something or it will lose credibility as a security community.

Realism is needed, however. We need to see why violence has flared repeatedly since 2008, when Khmer ownership of the Preah Vihear temple has been recognised since 1962, and understand why Cambodia seeks intervention while Thailand prefers bilateral discussions. Only then can ASEAN know what best to do, rather than try to be a mini-United Nations Security Council.

The reality is that the Preah Vihear temple is the focal point and not the primary cause of bilateral tensions. Nor is it ancient animosity. This flare-up is fuelled by current domestic politics. This is especially true in Thailand, coloured by the Red and Yellow Shirts and other factions. In Cambodia, the Hun Sen government seeks a wider influence and is mobilising around the issue.

Thai politics first. Remember in 2008, the Thai Foreign Minister then, Mr Noppodon Pattama, was forced to resign after UNESCO listed the temple as a world heritage site. Yellow Shirts used the issue as a nationalistic rallying point for an early and significant step in pushing out the pro-Thaksin government.

The Democrat-led alliance that took over is now more than two years in office, and elections are widely expected by June. Demonstrations are increasingly prominent in Bangkok once again. The incumbent Democrats have a complex and evolving relationship with the Yellow Shirts.

Current Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya actively supported the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) and the Yellow Shirts movement. But as elections loom, the PAD seems to be shifting away from the Democrats.

In this increasingly charged atmosphere, seven Thais - Yellow Shirts and one Democrat MP and former vice-minister, Panich Vikitsreth - visited the area last December. When the Cambodian authorities arrested them for allegedly crossing the border, this rekindled the issue. Two Thais remain in Cambodian custody and when Foreign Minister Kasit visited them in prison on Feb 4, the military clashes flared again.

What motivates Cambodia is harder to read. Personal reasons play a part. Rumours circulate that Premier Hun Sen remains close to his ousted Thai counterpart Thaksin Shinawatra, who was appointed as Cambodian economic adviser. While Thaksin has since resigned, ties between Mr Hun Sen and the current Thai Premier, Mr Abhisit Vejajjiva, are reported to lack rapport.

There is also a patriotic gloss. Mr Hun Sen's party too played up Preah Vihear to increase electoral support. The Premier visited the temple dressed in full military fatigues and, at times, even claimed Thailand was preparing to invade.

The Hun Sen administration has been trying to garner international community support and legitimacy as the "victim". Accordingly, it has invited regional or international intervention and even suggested observers to monitor the ceasefire.

Cambodia has been subject to interventions by the United Nations and experienced ASEAN's 1997 decision to postpone its membership after heavy factional fighting. The government also faces on going criticisms about human rights, corruption and land grabs affecting the poor.

As the 19th century German military theorist Carl Clausewitz said: "War is politics by other means". This is a sad verdict on the dispute, especially when lives have been lost, but that does not make it any less true.

What, then, can ASEAN do?

The ASEAN Charter empowers the chairman to offer good offices, conciliation and mediation and the current chair, Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa, has actively shuttled between the capitals. ASEAN must discuss the issue for its credibility and can help the process.

But realistically, results will be limited when the two sides have reasons of realpolitik to continue bickering. ASEAN cannot impose a solution. Care must be taken to maintain neutrality and avoid favouring one side's proposals - such as Cambodia's suggestion to have ASEAN monitor the ceasefire.

Non-intervention in the domestic affairs of the state remains a cardinal principle in the ASEAN Charter and there are clearly domestic factors at play. If ASEAN forgets this and over-reaches, this will be regretted later. The group can easily get bogged down in controversy and be distracted from necessary efforts in other important areas of cooperation.

Like two fighting students brought before the class monitor, Thailand and Cambodia may be cajoled to continue the tenuous ceasefire, shake hands and give the semblance of making up. But so long as domestic imperatives and ambitions dictate, no lasting peace is possible and ASEAN should not pretend otherwise.

The members of the Cambodian Americans for Human Rights and Democracy (CAHRAD) and the Sam Rainsy Party (SRP) of the Greater Washington, DC area cordially invite you to meet and have dinner with Mr. Sam Rainsy to hear updates on hot issues in Cambodia--issues related to human rights, border, illegal land grabbing, and other political situations. Mr. Sam Rainsy is a member of parliament of the National Assembly of the Kingdom of Cambodia and the President of the Sam Rainsy Party, the prominent opposition party.

6:30 pm - 7:30 pm Reception

7:30 pm - 9:00 pm Updates, Questions & Answers

7260 Arlington Blvd

Falls Church, VA 22042

703-573-6000

Dinner: $20 per person

Please RSVP by 5pm on Wednesday, February 23, by contacting one of the following:

By email:

For further information, please contact one of the following members of CARHAD and SRP:

Mr. Tung Yap 703-675-3997

Mr. Marong Kuy 240-855-5049

Mr. Mong Heng 703-256-329

Mr. Jiahn-Yih Wu 301-300-0992

Mr. Vibol Tan 703-881-8035

Mr.Hea Yuth 703-201-6248

Ms.Rany Lushinski 703-723-4273

Mr. ChantreaLong 301-802-9990

Mr. John Yuth 703-967-9919

Leaving talks in Brussels after agreeing an EU statement demanding restraint and an end to violence by the Libyan regime, Mr Hague said he had no firm knowledge but went on: "I have seen some information that suggests he is on his way there at the moment."

British officials indicated the Foreign Secretary was not referring to any media speculation but other sources.

The Foreign Secretary spoke to reporters after a meeting of EU foreign ministers focused on the revolts sweeping across Libya and other countries in North African and the Middle East.

During a day of talks on an EU response to the Libyan crisis, all EU foreign ministers were being kept updated, but only Mr Hague seemed confident enough to volunteer a likely bolthole for the Libyan leader.

Several media had also reported rumors that Gaddafi was headed to Venezuela. Chavez and Gaddafi have visited each other and enjoy warm political relations.

SINGAPORE – The Chinese are everywhere. Or, more accurately, Chinese money is everywhere, thanks particularly to the China Development Bank (CDB) and the China Export-Import Bank. As the two institutions responsible for all Chinese overseas financing, they are making waves around the world.

According to The Financial Times, Chinese lending in 2008-2010 surpassed World Bank assistance by approximately $10 billion. By the end of 2010, the CDB's reach extended to more than 90 countries, whose total indebtedness reached $141.3 billion.

So, is China reshaping the landscape of development assistance? In a nutshell, yes.

Consider the following: Chinese investment in Zambia's rich copper and coal reserves accounts for 7.7% of the country's GDP. In Saudi Arabia, the state-owned China Railway Construction Corporation built the Al-Mashaaer Al-Mugadassah light-rail project to ease traffic pressure during the annual Hajj pilgrimage to Mecca. There are even said to be plans for an Arctic highway to facilitate trade throughout the polar region.

Closer to home, a Himalayan railway project to link Tibet to Khasa, at the border with Nepal, is currently under construction, with plans to extend the line all the way to Kathmandu, the Nepalese capital. In Cambodia, China contributed $260 million in assistance in 2009, replacing Japan as the country's largest aid provider and overtaking both the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank's lending portfolios. Last year, China signed 14 bilateral agreements with Cambodia, totaling $1.2 billion, to finance every conceivable item, from irrigation canals to uniforms for the Cambodian military.

Recipient governments are reportedly pleased with China's aid approach. For one thing, there is a notable absence of expensive consultants folded into so-called "technical assistance" packages, a practice that has been a key focus of criticism directed at many funding agencies.

Second, Chinese aid does not require pre-project "missions" by bureaucrats who arrive from distant headquarters for a sort of development tourism that wreaks havoc on the routines of the local counterparts who must accompany them on their poverty excursions.

Third, Chinese aid is dispensed rather quickly and unceremoniously, lacking the burdensome fanfare of lengthy negotiations and voluminous project documents, a practice many scholars and practitioners term "checkbook diplomacy."

Fourth, China dispenses aid without compliance conditions such as environmental protection measures or community-participation exercises. Excruciatingly laborious "stakeholder" consultations – of the type that lasted nearly ten years to construct the World Bank-funded Nam Theun 2 hydroelectric power plant in Laos – are not required of Chinese aid.

China's unique aid model is one of the main pillars of what the Chinese scholar Sheng Ding calls the country's "soft power" strategy. Beyond the provision of cheap credit and concessional loans is the global export of China's way of doing business.

As economic relations deepen, cultural relationships develop. Confucius Institutes are sprouting from Sri Lanka to Nigeria to promote the study of Mandarin. Alongside these linguistic programs are seasonal performances by touring Chinese acrobats. Call it global courtship by an avid Chinese suitor.

But worrying signs about China's seemingly benign lending practices are emerging. Chinese financial assistance is tied to the extraction of natural resources, particularly oil and minerals. Environmentalists worry that without a more conscientious "green" component to Chinese lending, unchecked exploitation could lead to resource depletion.

Moreover, Chinese assistance packages often come with Chinese technology and laborers, implying limited employment opportunities and capacity-building for local people. For example, 750 Chinese workers were shipped to Indonesia, along with 630,000 tons of steel, to construct the five-kilometer Suramadu bridge linking Surabaya to Madura.

The need for disclosure and transparency mechanisms has been emphasized time and again. There is no Chinese counterpart to the Development Assistance Committee, which publishes annual reports on global aid flows from OECD member countries. Nor is there an overarching mechanism, as called for in the 2005 Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness, that would align Chinese aid with national development strategies, or establish a forum for coordination with other bilateral and multilateral donors. Fears abound that Chinese aid is beginning to run amok.

Concerns such as these are likely to increase as China emerges as a formidable development player. Yet, by and large, Chinese assistance is welcomed rather than feared.

Those who promote equitable and inclusive development wish to see Chinese aid as part of an integrated international community of providers that is governed by responsible co-ownership. This entails fair and open rules, mutual accountability practices, and sustainable development objectives, all of which require active Chinese participation.

In a world weary of the limited effectiveness of most development programs in curtailing endemic poverty, China's growing role in countries around the world provides ample opportunity to reconstruct the landscape of economic aid and financing. But reaching that goal requires a plan, and China must play its part in formulating it.

The UN's special envoy for human rights met with union leaders on Monday, including representatives for garment factory workers and teachers, who pointed out concerns in basic rights like education and assembly, officials said.

Surya Subedi, the human rights special representative for the UN secretary-general, is on a 10-day mission that ends later this week.

Union leaders discussed with him with their main concerns as he drafts a report for the UN Human Rights Council, said Rong Chhun, president of the Independent Teachers Association.

Education and assembly were among the main concerns, he said.

People lack access to education, including a lack of schools and low salaries for teachers, Rong Chhun said. Impoverished children also are often unable to go to school, which affects their right to education, he said.

Leaders also pointed to difficulties for unions to assemble workers under strict laws or even hold meetings, after restaurant or other venue owners receive threats from local authorities, Rong Chhun said.

Rong Chhun also said new draft law on unions is restrictive on union leaders, including regulations that make it easy for unions to be banned by the Ministry of Interior. A draft law on NGOs is similarly worrying, he said, in that it could restrict the operations of non-government organizations.

Representatives also told Subedi that were concerned about the murders of labor leaders and the arrests of suspects that are not likely the perpetrators.

Subedi has also met with senior government leaders, opposition parties and rights groups on his trip.

In talks with Prime Minister Hun Sen Thursday, Subedi brought a proposal from 300 NGOs requesting a "dialogue" between the groups and the government, said Ieng Sophalleth, a spokesman for the prime minister.

Hun Sen declined the proposal, saying there are "3,000 local NGOs," and a request from 300 "did not represent the majority," Ieng Sophalleth said.

Subedi also spoke to Hun Sen about court reform. Hun Sen said the government does not interfere with the court and is working to improve the judiciary.

Last week, Subedi also met with 20 local NGOs, who outlined their own worries.

Chak Sopheap, executive assistant for the Cambodian Center for Human Rights, said local groups raised concerns about rights abuses, land grabs, freedom of expression and the courts.

"Freedom of expression in Cambodia is still barred by the government," she said, including the freedom to hold demonstrations or strikes.

Who, if anyone, is in charge of the Thai Air Force?

Is it the Thai Defence Minister? Someone else in the government? A military commander? The yellow shirts? The question arises because all of these people, and more, seem to be issuing orders to Thailand's Air Force and/or explaining its actions. And mostly they disagree with each other.

Let's start with the yellow shirts. Although they put PM Abhisit into office by occupying the Bangkok airport, they are upset with his inability to disband Unesco, overrun Preah Vihear or convince the rest of the world that Thailand is the only country that has any heritage worth mentioning.

On February 3, there was a yellow-shirt demonstration in Bangkok led byMajor-General Chamlong Srimuang. According to The Nation, Chamlong called on the Thai government "to withdraw Thailand from membership of the World Heritage Committee, disavow 2000's memorandum of understanding on bilateral border demarcations" with Cambodia and to "send F-16 fighters flying over the controversial spots along the Thai-Cambodian border". The report continued: "The Thai Air Force could be used in lieu of ground or naval forces against the Cambodians, who only have some dilapidated MiG-21 fighters."

The same article quoted the Thai Defence Minister, General Prawit Wongsuwan, as saying "Military ties between Thailand and Cambodia remained firm and friendly". However, the minister has some peculiar ideas about friendship. Or perhaps a major-general in the yellow shirts outranks a general in the government. Whatever the reason, five days later Prawit had adopted Chamlong's idea regarding the Air Force. Prawit told the Thai Cabinet "'that Cambodia was unlikely to exacerbate the situation because it did not have a strong military. "Cambodia's air force is not powerful, and I warned my counterpart [Cambodian Defence Minister] Tea Banh that we would fly jet fighters if they did not stop,' Prawit was quoted as saying." (The Nation, February 9.)

Two days later, two Thai fighter planes flew along, and possibly across, the border near the Preah Vihear Temple. Thai DeputyPM Suthep Thaugsuban said that this had not happened, and anyway it was only normal flight training. Suthep was contradicted by Air Chief Marshal Prachin Chantong, who said that two Thai planes "flew very close to the Cambodian border by mistake". Prachin reportedly said that the planes were participating in the Cobra Gold military exercises with the US and Singapore.

It might be too cynical to discount the "mistake" explanation. Mistakes seem to be endemic in the Thai Air Force, perhaps because its personnel can't be sure whose orders they are supposed to be following. A more serious mistake occurred on February 14, when two Thai F-16s crashed; fortunately the pilots ejected safely. Initial reports indicated that the planes may have collided with each other. Perhaps Major-General Chamlong told them "Turn right" while Air Chief Marshal Prachin was telling them "Turn left."

However, we should also mention the possibility that the crashes were not a mistake in the usual sense of the word. In both Thailand and Cambodia, the majority religion is Buddhism. It is a central Buddhist belief that a person's good or bad behaviour today affects their future fortune. Some Buddhists might be inclined to see the loss of two military planes as karmic retribution for the Thai military's shelling of both the Temple of Preah Vihear and Wat Keo Sekha Kiri Svarak.

PM Abhisit is working overtime to prevent international observers seeing what his troops have been and are doing. But can he hide them from the Buddha?

Having been on the backfoot internationally, Thailand is braced for an informal Asean meeting in Jakarta today over its border conflict with Cambodia - and it does not want to concede more diplomatic ground to Phnom Penh.

Cambodian Foreign Minister Hor Namhong rushed to take the credit yesterday as soon as he learned that Bangkok had agreed to have observers monitor permanent ceasefire terms at the disputed area adjacent to Preah Vihear temple.

"Now that Thailand has agreed with the idea of observers, it would be a positive step in the meeting in Jakarta," the Cambodian minister told reporters yesterday before departing for the Asean forum.

"This is the result of our complaint with the UN Security Council, because we have asked it to provide observers for the disputed border areas to ensure a ceasefire and see who the real invader is. This is because both sides are putting the blame on one another," Xinhua quoted Hor Namnong as saying.

Phnom Penh proposed last week that it would ask Asean to send observers to ensure peace at the border, and Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen went even further to seek a ceasefire agreement.

The Thai delegation, led by Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya, left Bangkok for Jakarta yesterday, but did not offer any hints as to what stance they were planning to take.

Kasit had said earlier that he would ask Indonesia, as current chair of the Asean, to dispatch observers to "embed" with Thai soldiers at the disputed areas. Bangkok is obviously changing its stance dramatically after previously insisting that the problem be solved bilaterally.

Cambodia, meanwhile, wants to go a step further by getting Thailand to sign a permanent ceasefire pact in a move that would be witnessed by all Asean members. Hor Namhong said his country had great confidence in Asean mediating in the conflict.

However, it is still unclear how Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa will steer the meeting.

Natalegawa had said in Tokyo last week that Asean could not avoid addressing conflicts among members or sweep things under the carpet as usual.

"This time around we wish to confront issues head-on and bring peace and harmony whenever there are difficulties between Asean states, like we are doing between Cambodia and Thailand," he said.

While admitting it would not be easy to get two conflicting sides to compromise, Natalegawa said that at least both sides had agreed to have observers monitor the situation at the border.

Whatever the resolution of the Jakarta meeting, Asean will set a precedent in getting involved in bilateral conflicts among its members.

The UN Security Council has, for the first time, called upon the grouping to ensure an effective dialogue in the search for a lasting solution to the Thai-Cambodian border dispute.

"UNSC's open and official support for conciliation efforts to the Asean chair is a sign that the United Nations has faith in Asean to help its members find amicable regional solutions to bilateral problems such as this," Asean Secretary-General Surin Pitsuwan said.

JAKARTA, Feb. 21 (AP) - (Kyodo)—Cambodia and Thailand will agree this week on the dispatch of military observers to a disputed border area where the two sides have traded fire, government officials from both countries said Monday.

Cambodian Foreign Minister Hor Namhong told Kyodo News the agreement will materialize at the ASEAN foreign ministers' meeting in Jakarta.

Foreign Ministers from the 10 member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations will gather Tuesday in Jakarta to help resolve the border conflict, over which the U.N. Security Council has expressed grave concern and urged for the establishment of a permanent ceasefire.

Indonesia, current chair of ASEAN, initiated the meeting and hinted that it will likely send military observers upon requests from both parties.

Thai Foreign Ministry spokesman Thani Thongpakdi on Monday told reporters in Jakarta that Thailand is ready to allow military observers from Indonesia or ASEAN to deploy in Thai territory on a monitoring mission.

"We are ready if Indonesia as the chair wishes to send military observers to the border," he said.

Cambodia and Thailand have been at loggerheads over their rival claims to 4.6 square kilometers of land around a temple on the border.

Since the temple was registered as a World Heritage Site in 2008, several rounds of border clashes have occurred.

Cambodia and China on Monday signed six agreements on bilateral cooperation, aiming at assisting Cambodia to develop its economy and to alleviate poverty, said officials.

The agreements were signed here during the 2nd China-Cambodia Strategic Economic Dialogue, co-chaired by Anu Porn Moniroth, secretary of state of the Ministry of Economy and Finance of Cambodia and Fu Ziying, visiting Chinese vice commerce minister.

Cambodian Deputy Prime Minister, Minister of Economy and Finance Keat Chhon and Chinese ambassador to Cambodia Pan Guangxue attended the signing ceremony.

The grant and loan agreements included a grant to Cambodian Ministry of Economy and Finance; a donation of air-conditioners and desktop computers to the Senate; a project to dispatch Chinese experts to study the feasibility of the construction of agricultural laboratory building in Cambodia; a loan agreement for the construction of a 22 kilovolt electricity transmission line in the length of 1.9 km in the provinces of Kampong Speu, Preah Sihanouk, Prey Veng and Kampong Cham.

Moreover, the construction contract of enlargement of the national road No. 6A (in the length of 40 km) to four lanes under a soft loan from China, and the consultant contract on the enlargement of the national road No. 6A were also signed.

Aun Porn Moniroth expressed profound thanks to China for its timely and unconditional financial and technical assistances to Cambodia.

"As the world was affected by the global financial crisis, China had still provided its assistance to Cambodia," he said, adding"this has helped Cambodia to prevent and overcome the crisis successfully."

"Chinese aid to Cambodia is very essential to develop the economy and alleviate poverty,"he added.

Fu Ziying said that Cambodia is a good neighbor of China and pledged to continue supporting Cambodia in its development of economy.

"China and Cambodia are willing to help each other,"he said, adding "in the future, China can be a big market for Cambodian products."

"We want closer cooperation with Cambodia on agriculture and mining as well as other sectors,"he said.

Fu Ziying is scheduled to pay courtesy call on Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen on Monday afternoon.

Trade cooperation between China and Cambodia could be considered as "pattern cooperation" in developing countries, said Fu Ziying, visiting Chinese vice commerce minister, during a meeting with Cambodian Prime Minister on Monday afternoon.

"We consider that the trade cooperation between our two countries is a sample among the developing countries," Fu said to Hun Sen, adding that China-Cambodia cooperation in economics and trades will be better.

Fu also promised to encourage more Chinese investors to invest in Cambodia, especially in agro-industry, mining and special economic zones.

"China wants to establish joint investment projects with Cambodia in agro-industry as Cambodia has favorable land and water resources, while China has markets and financial and technical resources to invest in this sector," he added.

He said that China welcomes the export of Cambodian agricultural product into Chinese market.

Fu also conveyed the greeting from Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao to Prime Minister Hun Sen.

In response, Hun Sen said that Cambodia is much in need of investment in agro-industry.

"Cambodia has been developing its agricultural sector, but it' s still weak," he said. "In this sense, I would like to ask Chinese investors to consider investment in this sector."

The premier also asked China to support strongly the development of Sihanoukville Special Economic Zone.

Bilateral trades between Cambodia and China mounted to 1.12 billion U.S. dollars in 2010, up 41.5 percent from about 791 million U.S. dollars in 2009, according to the statistics from the Cambodian Ministry of Commerce.

Fu Ziying and his delegation, arrived here on Sunday to pay a four-day visit here, held the 2nd China-Cambodia Strategic Economic Dialogue on Monday morning and signed a number of cooperation agreements with Cambodia.

BANGKOK, Feb 21 (Bernama) -- Bangkok will insist on existing Thailand-Cambodia bilateral mechanisms in resolving their border dispute at tomorrow's Asean Foreign Ministers Meeting in Jakarta, Thai Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya said here Monday.

These mechanisms were the Thai-Cambodian Joint Commission on Demarcation of Land Boundary (JBC), the General Border Committee (GBC) and the Regional Border Committee, he said.

"Thailand would affirm to other Asean member countries that the mechanisms have been making progress and should continue," he said in a statement.

He said former ambassador Asda Jayanama, who co-chaired the JBC on the Thai side, had sent a letter to the Cambodian co-chair of the JBC inviting the latter to attend the JBC meeting in Thailand, which had been agreed to in principle by Cambodian Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Hor Namhong.

Thai Defence Minister Gen Prawit Wongsuwan would soon send a letter to his Cambodian counterpart Tea Banh, asking Cambodia to convene the next GBC meeting in Cambodia at the earliest opportunity, as it would be Cambodia's turn to host, said Kasit.

The RBC is co-chaired by the Commanding General of the Second Army Region of Thailand and the Fourth Army Commander of Cambodia.

There were several clashes reported between Thai and Cambodian troops at the disputed border area between Feb 4 and Feb 16 with the use of heavy weapons including bombs, rockets and machine-guns by both sides, resulting in the loss of 10 lives from both sides.

The border dispute involved both nations claiming an area of 4.6 sq km surrounding the 1,000-year-old Preah Vihear Hindu Temple as the area has yet to be demarcated, including the access route to the temple.

The International Court of Justice ruled in 1962 that the temple was located in Cambodia, and it was listed as a world heritage site by Unesco in 2008.

Phnom Penh, on the other hand, felt that the bilateral mechanisms have not achieved their desired results in solving the border dispute.

The JBC could not move its survey and demarcation task forward for areas adjacent to the temple since its last meeting in Phnom Penh in April 2009, because the Thai Parliament was still considering the minutes of the JBC meetings.

Online news reports from Cambodia indicated that Phnom Penh wanted representatives from Asean to attend future Thailand-Cambodia bilateral meetings on the border dispute.

Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen was reported by online news from Cambodia that he would propose the signing of a permanent ceasefire agreement between Bangkok and Phnom Penh at tomorrow's Jakarta meeting, and to be witnessed by the Asean Foreign Ministers or Asean Chairman.

On the other hand, Bangkok felt that the proposed permanent ceasefire was unnecessary and peace along the border could be achieved through existing bilateral mechanisms, said Kasit.

Hun Sen also proposed that Asean send its observers, either military, police or civilian, to the disputed border area.

If Bangkok could not agree to this suggestion, Phnom Penh would welcome Asean observers at its border area, said Hun Sen.

Bangkok responded by welcoming observers from Indonesia, the current chair of Asean, to be embedded with the Thai troops at the border area.

"This would be reaffirmation that Thailand had never and would not be the first to fire. Thailand also hopes that Cambodia would do the same so as to ensure that there will be no further armed clashes," said Kasit.

Kasit and Hor presented their respective cases of the earlier clashes between Feb 4 and Feb 7 to the United Nations Security Council in New York on Feb 14.

Ironically, the Feb 4 clashes took place a few hours after Kasit and Hor met in Siem Reap for a Joint Commission Meeting and the second series of two-day clashes took place on Feb 15, just few hours after both attended the Security Council meeting.

The Security Council has urged the two parties to establish a permanent ceasefire and resolve the situation peacefully and through dialogue. It also acknowledged Asean's role in supporting and facilitating the efforts.

ASEAN foreign ministers are gathering for an Indonesia-facilitated urgent meeting slated for Tuesday to discuss possible solutions to the recent border conflict between Cambodia and Thailand over the disputed area surrounding the ancient Hindu Temple of Preah Vihear, a statement issued by the ASEAN Secretariat said on Monday.

The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has, for the first time, called upon ASEAN to ensure an effective dialogue in search of a lasting solution to the border dispute between two Member States.

"UNSC's open and official support for conciliation efforts to the ASEAN Chair is a sign that the United Nations has faith in ASEAN to help its member states find amicable regional solutions to bilateral problems such as this," said the secretary-general of ASEAN, Dr Surin Pitsuwan.

Last Monday, the Foreign Minister of Indonesia Marty Natalegawa participated in an urgent UNSC meeting in New York to deliberate on the recent military incidents along the Cambodian-Thai border. This was the first time the UNSC has ever taken up a bilateral ASEAN issue. Indonesia was invited in its capacity as the current chair of ASEAN.

The UNSC's decision to entrust this important task to ASEAN is a positive evolution of ASEAN as a regional organization to shoulder its responsibilities.

The ASEAN Charter clearly stipulates that ASEAN must strive "to maintain and enhance peace, security and stability in the region." "ASEAN is certainly rising to the occasion," Dr Surin affirmed.

Life has not yet returned to normal in Svay Chrum village, four kilometers south of the front lines in Preah Vihear, more than two weeks after it was shelled by the Thai army.

Buildings lie empty, while abandoned bicycles and clothes hanging on fences are testament to the hasty departure of the village's residents.

"There were 250 families in this area; now there are five," said Rany, a shopkeeper, who returned to the village two days after her home was nearly hit by artillery on February 7.

"We are the risk-takers, the people who have property to protect. I hear from the camps that [villagers] all want to come back, but they are still afraid of the situation here," she said, referring to the thousands of residents who fled the area during and in the aftermath of the fighting.

In addition to the anxiety about returning to a potential war-zone, displaced people are faced with a new fear.

Cambodia has accused Thailand of deploying an unspecified number of cluster munitions during four days of border skirmishes earlier this month.

Neither country has signed the Convention on Cluster Munitions, which was adopted in 2008 and became binding international law for all signatories in August 2010.

"My base was shelled between 3:15pm and 4:10pm on February 4," said Lieutenant Colonel Sok Min of Svay Chrum's border police force.

"I was standing at the gate looking at the mountain, and I heard incoming [shells] and made it just in time to the bunker. The only thing I could hear was a boom, pop, pop, pop – like popcorn – and all I could see was smoke," Sok Min said.

Kim Samnang, a border police officer, said the shell sounded unusual.

"I suspected there was something different when I heard the pop, pop, pop. I had heard about bombies [cluster munitions] in other provinces," he said.

"At 6pm [on February 6], we turned the generator on to pump water and decided to watch the Sunday boxing. Someone came in with this thing with a white string, and I put my hand up and told him to put it down," said Kim Samnang.

The man, identified as border police officer Cheng Mol, put the object on the table and it exploded, killing two and injuring eight others.

Kim Samnang and Cheng Mol both lost forearms and are now sharing a ward at Siem Reap provincial hospital.

"I was injured by cluster munitions," Kim Samnang said.

"Two days ago, an NGO showed us a photo. It had slightly different coloring, but it's the same kind of bombie [submunition]," he said.

"It looked like a cow bell or something," Cheng Mol said.

So far, Thai officials have steadfastly denied deploying cluster munitions in the recent border clashes.

Thai army spokesman Sansern Kaewkamnerd instead accused Cambodia of using the controversial weapon, claiming that a cluster bomb had killed a Thai officer during the skirmish.

Cambodia denies the claim.

Cluster bombs, launched from the ground or dropped from the air, split open before impact to scatter multiple bomblets over a wide area.

Many initially fail to explode and can lie hidden for decades, maiming civilians who inadvertently happen upon them.

Cambodia has a long and tragic history of unexploded ordnance from years of revolution and civil war, but the bombies described by Kim Samnang and Cheng Mol were something new.

Officials from the Cambodian Mine Action Centre arrived in the village the following morning.

"I had never seen anything like them before. They're not like the American war bombies," said Saem Ponnreay, manager of CMAC's Demining Unit 3.

"People were playing with the things, spinning them in the air by their cords. We sent photos to HQ and they confirmed that they were M42/46 submunitions. We had recently cleared the area. Now we have to come back."

CMAC issued a statement on February 10, in which they stated: "During the crossfire there was identified evidence of heavy artillery such as 105mm, 130mm and 155mm shells used by the Thai military, and CMAC experts have confirmed that these artilleries contained cluster munitions including M35, M42 and M46 types."

Cluster Munitions Coalition member Sister Denise Coughlan surveyed the situation near the border last week.

"I am saddened by the suffering and displacement of people from both sides of the border.

I witnessed with my own eyes cluster munitions on the ground," she said.

"I have also spoken to the victims who identified the M46 as the munition that injured them."

Coughlan said the legacy of cluster munitions was long and tragic.

"The use of cluster bombs causes devastating consequences years after the conflict. A friend of mine lost both his arms from cluster munitions from the 1970s in 2004. I don't want that to happen to anyone else."

CMAC officials say they have an enormous task ahead of them even if the fighting stops soon.

"We don't know how many shells landed around here. Some could have fallen in unpopulated areas," said Saem Ponnreay.

"Before we let civilians back in [to their homes], we need to educate them. We have reached 4,000 families in the camps, teaching them not to touch these [bombies] and to call our hotlines if they see one."

Most of the people remaining in Svay Chrum are in uniform. Soldiers either walk or hitch rides down the mountain to buy supplies or get a drink in one of the two places that serve them.

Some soldiers live about 50 metres from opposing troops and relish the opportunity to take a break. Morale remains high.

The few women still in the village have more practical concerns.

Rany worries about her land.

"It was announced on [February 3] that we must register our property.

Then the war started the next day," she said.

"I had to come back because I was afraid somebody would take my inventory and my house. At least if I stay here nobody will take it apart."

First lady Bun Rany was named a "national champion" for women's and children's health by United Nations representatives in a ceremony today at the Peace Palace.

UN Population Fund regional director Nobuko Horibe said the advocacy role would complement the government's existing efforts to meet its Millenium Development Goals by 2015.

Bun Rany, wife of Prime Minister Hun Sen, serves as head of the Cambodian Red Cross.

In her capacity as "national champion", Bun Rany will "make regular visits to health centres across Cambodia, meeting with midwives and other health professionals, women and their families and community groups to advocate healthy motherhood", the UN said in a statement today.

Casey McCarthy, a spokeswoman for the office of the UN resident coordinator, said the national champion position was not a standard role, having instead been formulated by members of the UN country team in Cambodia.

"Historically, [Bun Rany] has done very well in a leadership advocacy role on HIV-AIDS," McCarthy said.

"She seemed like a natural choice."

Son Soubert, a former member of the Constitutional Council and government critic, said the position could represent an attempt by the UN to smooth over its oft-contentious relationship with Hun Sen.

"I think maybe it's a new type of diplomacy that the UN, in its own way, is trying to implement to have the favour of the wife, hoping that the wife has influence on the husband," Son Soubert said.

He added that many officials in the government and at NGOs had already been working hard to improve the Kingdom's health outcomes, suggesting that Bun Rany and Hun Sen could dip into their personal assets if they wanted to better address the issue.

"They could spend some of their surplus of money or sell their properties," he said.

Is Libya the next domino to fall? As Muammar Qaddafi's son warns of civil war, protests have spread from Libya's second-largest city, Benghazi, to the capital of Tripoli. Reuters reports that "security forces were looting banks and other government institutions ... and protesters had broken into several police stations and trashed them." The parliament building was also on fire this morning, and 61 people were reportedly killed over the course of the day. At least according to one report in the Daily Mail, Qaddafi and his highly flammable perm aren't sticking around to find out how this all turns out. [Daily Mail UK, Reuters]

Kerry Kennedy, daughter of former U.S. Sen. Robert F. Kennedy, is aiming to promote human-rights education in Asia—and she is starting with Hong Kong.

The 51-year-old president of the Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice and Human Rights and chairwoman of the Amnesty International Leadership Council launched an education campaign in Asia on Monday. Called Speak Truth to Power, the program comprises a traveling play, photo exhibit and human-rights cirriculum that evolved from her book of the same name, published in 2000.

As part of her tour of 17 countries, Ms. Kennedy and the Speak Truth to Power campaign have teamed up with the University of Hong Kong, which will support her human-rights curriculum. The course will explore issues from trafficking to domestic violence.

Ms. Kennedy will travel to Cambodia, her only other stop in Asia, on Tuesday to continue her campaign.

Ms. Kennedy's foray into human-rights activism stems from her work as an intern with Amnesty International. In the summer of 1981, Ms. Kennedy, then a college sophomore, documented the abuses of U.S. immigration officials against refugees from El Salvador.

Today, Ms. Kennedy is fighting to bring similar injustices to light. For her book, she spent two and a half years traveling the globe to interview "the Martin Luther Kings of the world," she says, including South African activist Desmond Tutu, the Dalai Lama and author and Holocaust survivor Elie Wiesel.

Ms. Kennedy spoke to The Wall Street Journal about human rights in Asia.

Hong Kong is the gateway to Asia. We feel if we are able to have this successfully launched in Hong Kong, it will be easier for us to launch in China and other regions.

I would like to see that, but we're not at that point right now. We have to have some assurance by authorities that there would be no retaliation against people teaching this material. There needs to be acceptance by the government.

Last night, I went to dinner with a group of people in Hong Kong, and they were talking about income disparity, difficulty of housing for so many people who live there, institutionalized racism faced by Filipino workers and the difficulties of refugees in Hong Kong. Those are some of the issues that the city is facing and that people here need to grapple with.

There are human-rights issues in Hong Kong like every country on earth. The efforts we are embarking on today are not an expose-shame-and-blame mission. We are talking about the importance of human-rights education and showing college students there is a regime of international law and there is a way of creating change.

Our message is one person can make a difference. The aim is at that at the end of the course, students will self-identify as human-rights defenders. They won't be perpetrators. They won't be bystanders. They will be defenders – anything from stopping bullying in the classroom to putting an end to particular abuses like domestic violence.

Elie Wiesel, who survived the Holocaust, said to me: "My hope for the future is your future won't have my past." To me, I think the quest of all human beings is to determine why am I on this earth and how do I make my life meaningful? And giving back, serving one's community, sacrificing for the greater good gives meaning to life.

I often teach in classrooms, and of course when I walk in, they know they won't be tested by what I'm teaching. They can be slouched over on their seats, looking at their BlackBerries. I start talking to them about these extraordinary heroes, and I ask them to stand in front of the class and read aloud the monologues from human-rights defenders. You literally see a physical change within the students. In order to read the part of Archbishop Tutu, they have to muster some sense of courage inside themselves. You see them touching on that, standing stridently, having a deeper voice and throwing voices across the room in an increasingly assured way.

From my personal perspective, I had in so many ways an idyllic childhood. But there were a whole series of things that happened to me that were violent and horrific and for which I just didn't have a way to handle them. My uncle, President [John] Kennedy was assassinated for his political beliefs. My father was assassinated, and of course Martin Luther King Jr. in between.

When I was in the fifth grade, a close friend of the family—one of the kids told me her father was beating up her mother, and I didn't know what to do with that. When I was in high school, one of my close friends was gay, and he was one of the first people in the U.S. who died of AIDS. He was in the closet, repressed and oppressed about something very fundamental in his life. When I was in college, two friends went on double dates with these men, and they brought them back to their apartment and raped them.

Working with Amnesty International, I learned they were violations of human rights. There are ways of organizing around them, around stopping them.

I'm thrilled about that. Cambodia has suffered a genocide. It's a place that has a tremendous universal pain to grapple with. I am very, very pleased that we've been able to work with people of a wide range of political perspectives to bring the play there and the education packet that will be taught in schools.