KI Media: “Request for Suspension of Deadline for Appeal Against Order on Admissibility of Civil Party Application of Robert Hamill Pending Grant of Access to Case File 003 and 004” plus 24 more

KI Media: “Request for Suspension of Deadline for Appeal Against Order on Admissibility of Civil Party Application of Robert Hamill Pending Grant of Access to Case File 003 and 004” plus 24 more

Request for Suspension of Deadline for Appeal Against Order on Admissibility of Civil Party Application of Robert Hamill Pending Grant of Access to Case File 003 and 004

Posted: 24 May 2011 04:02 PM PDT

Because Rob Hamill saw his civil application deemed inadmissible in Case 003, his lawyers requested access to this case file in order to examine the validity of the judges' rejection.

Request for Suspension of Deadline for Appeal Against Order on Admissibility of Civil Party Application of ...
http://www.scribd.com/fullscreen/56192372?access_key=key-1qb7dtqa6qy1vs3g9hmf

Legitimacy of Tribunal at Stake: Legal Observers

Posted: 24 May 2011 02:39 PM PDT

The UNPROFESSIONAL Clowns-in-Justice robe (CIJs): Bandit You Bunleng (L) and Herr Doktor Siegfried Blunk (R)
Sok Khemara, VOA Khmer
Washington, DC Tuesday, 24 May 2011
"Any impartial court would say that Cayley is in fact the one who operated professionally, and Blunk and You Bunleng are the ones who operated in a political way and unprofessionally."
International legal observers of the Khmer Rouge tribunal say the apparent political pressure for two controversial cases have become a core issue in the legitimacy of the UN-backed court.

Government leaders and some Cambodian judges object to the prosecution of five more Khmer Rouge suspects in two cases, Nos. 003 and 004, a view that is not supported by the international prosecutor at the court nor by many of the victims of a regime responsible for the deaths of at least 1.7 million people.

Concern over the legacy of the court has come to the fore in recent weeks, as the tribunal moves toward a trial of four jailed leaders but has failed to advance cases 003 and 004.

Now the Cambodian and UN investigating judges, You Bunleng and Siegfried Blunk, are at odds with prosecutor Andrew Cayley, who says he will fight an order from their office to rescind public statements outlining further investigation he said is needed in the case.


Brad Adams, Asia director for Human Rights Watch, told VOA Khmer that the two judges had failed to seriously investigate the case, including interviewing the two suspects.

"Any impartial court would say that Cayley is in fact the one who operated professionally, and Blunk and You Bunleng are the ones who operated in a political way and unprofessionally," he said in a phone interview from London.

Prime Minister Hun Sen has been firmly against further investigation and indictments. But the court is supposed to find truth and justice for victims, he said.

"If the UN can't do that, it should walk always, because the Cambodian side is very capable of having a fake trial and having a politically motivated trial and outcome," he said. "They don't need the UN to do that."

Government spokesman Phay Siphan dismissed allegations of political influence in the courts in the decision of judges.

However, John Ciorciari, a professor of public policy at the University of Michigan, said public statements of government officials objecting to cases 003 and 004 fuel suspicions of political interference that can hurt the overall legitimacy of the tribunal.

"If cases 003 and 004 are indeed dismissed, Case 002 can still proceed, but it will be tainted by the public knowledge that the tribunal is subject to tight political control and even instances of blatant interference," he said.

Meanwhile, he said, Cayley is within his rights under tribunal regulations to issue public statements that summarize his submissions. The April 29 conclusion statement by investigating judges, he said, give the appearance that the cases were given "short shrift."

Jeffrey Brand, dean of the University of San Francisco's School of Law, said the judges' retraction order against Cayley was further evidence the tribunal was not going to move forward with cases 003 and 004.

Such orders "do not adequately protect the interests of the victims," he said. The judges "seem more concerned with [Cayley's] opinion that further investigation is necessary than with any facts that were actually divulged."

Some critics see the current rifts in the court as a threat to one of its chief mandates: to help Cambodians overcome the trauma of the Khmer Rouge through the pursuit of a high standard of justice.

Hang Chhaya, executive director of the Khmer Institute for Democracy, said on "Hello VOA" Monday that the court's failure to do so would do more harm.

"If we can't do this, what we previously planned and promised, then it seems they've become victims again," he said. "That's what we're concerned about."

Speak Truth To Power (Courage Without Borders) Series in KI-Media - Bobby Muller (US) "Internati​onal Ban on Land Mines"

Posted: 24 May 2011 01:27 PM PDT

Speak Truth To Power (Courage Without Borders) Series in KI-Media - Bobby Muller (US) "Internati​onal Ban o...
http://www.scribd.com/fullscreen/56183473?access_key=key-1n2wun89735s39pe675o

Press Release: 1st General Assembly to establish the Farmers and Water Net

Posted: 24 May 2011 01:18 PM PDT

Dear All,

The Irrigation Service Center (ISC) is organizing its first General Assembly to formally establish a Farmers and Water Net (FWN) in Cambodia. 40 people including the representatives from Farmer Water User Communities (FWUC), local authorities and related state departments and ministries will attend in this Assembly.

For more details, please find the attached Press Release in Khmer.

Him Khortieth
..................
Communication Officer
Centre d' Etude et de Développement
Agricole Cambodgien (CEDAC)
No. 119, Street 257, Sangkat Toek Laak 1,
Khan Toul Kork
B.P. 1118 Phnom Penh
H/P: 855-16-57-57-13
Tel : 855- 23-880-916
Fax : 855-23-885-146
E-mail: himkhortieth@cedac.org.kh
www.cedac.org.kh


http://www.box.net/shared/piny3efp9u

COMFREL Release the Result of Workshop on Voter's Voice in Chanmul, Memot, Kampong Cham province

Posted: 24 May 2011 01:15 PM PDT

Dear all,

COMFREL is please to release its press release on the result of workshop on voter's voice in Chanmul, Memot, Kampong Cham province held on May 11, 2011.

Please see the attached document for details.

FYI : If you need releases or articles related to COMFREL's activities, please feel free to visit our website : www.comfrel.org

Best regards,

COMFREL
------------
Committee for Free and Fair Elections in Cambodia
Head Office : # 138, Street 122, Sangkat Teuk La ak, Khan Tuol Kork, Phnom Penh, Cambodia.
P.O.Box 1145, CCC Box 439
Phone : (855-23) 884 150
Fax : (855-23) 883 750
E-mail : comfrel@online.com.kh
Website : www.comfrel.org



http://www.box.net/shared/a53o789m5a

Statement of Cambodia's National Committee for the World Heritage

Posted: 24 May 2011 01:10 PM PDT

Unesco urged to delay study of temple plan [by Thailand]

Posted: 24 May 2011 01:02 PM PDT

May 25, 2011
The Nation

Cambodia's management plan for Preah Vihear temple trespasses on Thai territory (sic!), according to Natural Resources and Environment Minister Suwit Khunkitti, who said yesterday he would call on the World Heritage Committee to delay consideration of the plan for another year.

Suwit was scheduled to meet Cambodia's Deputy Prime Minister Sok An in Paris today and discuss postponing the management plan until both countries are able to settle the border row.

"We should stop fighting and instead cooperate to have the boundary demarcated via the Joint Boundary Commission," Suwit told reporters.

"Once the boundary demarcation is completed, this problem would be resolved. Cambodia would then have the freedom to do what it wants on its own land."


Thailand and Cambodia have been at loggerheads over Preah Vihear for a long time, and the conflict intensified when the World Heritage Committee and Unesco agreed to list the Hindu temple as a World Heritage Site in 2008.

Thailand disagreed with the listing and wants the committee to delay consideration of the temple's management plan, as it fears Cambodia would seize land near the temple, which Thailand claims as its own.

Sok An said on Monday said Cambodia's plan would not affect Thailand as it only covered Cambodian territory.

Sok An said he was prepared to discuss the management plan with Suwit and tell Unesco about the damage inflicted upon the temple during the major military clash between Thai and Cambodian troops in February.

Cambodia would also urge Unesco to dispatch its experts to evaluate the damage and consider renovation, he said.

Meanwhile, Phnom Penh's National Committee for World Heritage issued a statement earlier arguing that Suwit has no reason to delay the consideration of the Preah Vihear's management plan as the World Heritage Committee had decided last year to consider the documents during its 35th session this year.

"It is worth recalling that Mr Suwit himself signed [the document], with the Cambodian head of delegation and chairperson of the session, and recognised the draft Decision," the statement said.

The World Heritage Committee will be holding its 35th session from June 1929 in Paris.

Reactions of readers affirm goal

Posted: 24 May 2011 12:49 PM PDT

May 25, 2011
A. Gaffar Peang-Meth
PACIFIC DAILY NEWS
I hear, from time to time, from some in the Hun Sen regime, and though I disagree with their association and their work for the dictatorial government, I don't doubt some folks in Hun Sen's civilian administration and military sincerely love Cambodia and want the country to be free, independent and democratic, with justice and rights for the people. Those who are close to politics and the action every day may not be as happy as they seem.
First, my apologies for not having answered all emails: It's physically impossible. Second, to my friends on Guam: Thank you for seeing that what I write about Cambodia can be universally applied (my former comparative politics students at UOG can smile). Third, I wish to announce that beginning in July I will decrease my writing in this space from weekly to biweekly to have time to meet other obligations.

Reactions from readers, Cambodians and non-Cambodians, to what I write (and do not write) have been educational for me. I write to share what I know and to provoke thoughtful debate. So, the positive and negative reactions I received affirm that my goal is attained: I am able to shake the resting mind to ask questions. Most would agree that one who does not question is intellectually dead and cannot know how to proceed.

From what readers write, I am confident that "how" one thinks determines the kind of world in which one finds oneself. "What we think, we become," Gautama Buddha said 2,500 years ago. The concepts have been reiterated in different ways by many, including Mahatma Gandhi and Barack Obama's "Yes, we can!"

How one thinks does not mean shooting off one's mouth under the guise of protected free expression. A well-reflected thought is a far cry from a fleeting opinion. Among many things, to think involves using the mind to imagine, inquire, interpret, relate, evaluate, compare and analyze. A school of thought urges that we not be satisfied and settle for an answer, even if it is so clear and so logical, but to keep asking questions until we reach a horizon with a panorama of answers from which the best one can be chosen.


American civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., once said, "Rarely do we find men who willingly engage in hard, solid thinking." He also said: "There is an almost universal quest for easy answers and half-baked solution," and "Nothing pains some people more than having to think."

King said that in the fight for freedom and equality, "Change ... comes through continuous struggle" and that no man can ride on them "unless your back is bent." He said: "We must straighten our backs and work for freedom."

"The function of education is to teach one to think intensively and to think critically," King said, which consists of thinking in creative ways and assessing and evaluating if the thinking and the action lead one closer to one's goal.

The "questing mind" has been a focus of Burmese human rights icon Aung San Suu Kyi, who explained in "The Voice of Hope" that an inquisitive mind is necessary in the struggle for rights and freedom. She urged her people to question if the status quo is good enough or are there other things better and possible. She used Buddha's teaching not to accept karma and urged, "Don't just sit there. Do something!"

While an American reader is critical of Cambodians playing the Vietnamese card against Premier Hun Sen, and not working on forging unity among democrats against the dictatorship, some Cambodian readers' worries about the Vietnamization of Cambodia are not without foundation. I share the opinion that the failure of the democratic opposition in Cambodia to unite is a near-fatal flaw and that the uncontrolled immigration of the industrious Vietnamese into Cambodia is slowly changing the Khmer landscape -- politically, economically and culturally.

Another American reader wrote to point out, correctly, the necessity to distinguish between the worry about Khmer ethnicity and race facing the Vietnamese neighbors to the east, and the "nationalism" card, so successfully exploited by Hun Sen against the Thai neighbors to the west over the long disputed 11th century Preah Vihear Temple. Hear, hear.

I hear, from time to time, from some in the Hun Sen regime, and though I disagree with their association and their work for the dictatorial government, I don't doubt some folks in Hun Sen's civilian administration and military sincerely love Cambodia and want the country to be free, independent and democratic, with justice and rights for the people. Those who are close to politics and the action every day may not be as happy as they seem.

My concern is not how a despised totalitarian system can be ended but with whom that regime might be replaced. I believe that changes in attitudes and value are a prelude to regime change in a deep rooted culture that values "korup, bamreour, smoh trang" -- "respect, serve, be faithful/loyal." Cambodians' adherence to traditional class, rank, role and status relationships that perpetuate a superior-inferior and master-servant system is incompatible with a successful democratic political culture.

As I fear the resurgence of Pol Pot's mentality of authoritarianism, an ideology that condones the wanton killing of people with different views, I am concerned with a growing tendency among some Cambodians to disdain and corrupt the value of education.

A Cambodian in the U.S. with a connection to the ruling Cambodian People's Party told me with sadness that because Hun Sen is condemning the Khmer Republic, young Cambodians are missing "a whole section of Khmer history" in their lives. He asked me to help explain the 1970 to 1975 events.

But last week, a blogger in Cambodia counseled at the end of my article on Buddha's teaching that I stop writing about the Lon Nol regime because Lon Nol is despised. Oh, dear. Has Hun Sen succeeded in altering the recounting of historical events?

A friend's email from Phnom Penh included one word -- "education" -- in capital letters three times.

A. Gaffar Peang-Meth, Ph.D., is retired from the University of Guam. Write him at

ECCC Law

Posted: 24 May 2011 10:51 AM PDT

Law on the Establishment of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia for the Prosecution of Crimes Committed During the Period of Democratic Kampuchea

("ECCC Law")

with inclusion of amendments as promulgated on 27 October 2004

CHAPTER VI: CO-PROSECUTORS

Article 22 new

Each Co-Prosecutor shall have the right to choose one or more deputy prosecutors to assist him or her with prosecution before the chambers. Deputy foreign prosecutors shall be appointed by the foreign Co-Prosecutor from a list provided by the Secretary- General.

The Co-prosecutors shall be assisted by Cambodian and international staff as needed in their offices. In choosing staff to serve as assistants, the Director of the Office of Administration shall interview, if necessary, and with the approval of the Cambodian Co-Prosecutor, hire staff who shall be appointed by the Royal Government of Cambodia. The Deputy Director [Knut Rosandhaug] of the Office of Administration shall be responsible for the recruitment and administration of all foreign staff. The number of assistants shall be chosen in proportion to the Cambodian prosecutors and foreign prosecutors.

Cambodian staff shall be selected from Cambodian civil servants and, if necessary, other qualified nationals of Cambodia.

Brain Food

Posted: 24 May 2011 10:46 AM PDT

The essence of nonviolence is love. Out of love and the willingness to act selflessly, strategies, tactics, and techniques for a nonviolent struggle arise naturally. Nonviolence is not a dogma; it is a process.

- Thich Nhat Hanh

My Rights, My Responsibility (Constitution) Series

Posted: 24 May 2011 10:45 AM PDT

Cambodian Constitution (Sept. 1993)

CHAPTER XIII: THE ADMINISTRATION

Article 146- New (Previously Article 127)


Provinces, municipalities, districts, khan, khum and sangkat shall be governed in accordance with organic law.

Brain Food

Posted: 24 May 2011 10:40 AM PDT

I would say that I'm a nonviolent soldier. In place of weapons of violence, you have to use your mind, your heart, your sense of humor, every faculty available to you...because no one has the right to take the life of another human being.

- Joan Baez

Closing Order of Case 002 (Nuon Chea, Khieu Samphan, Ieng Sary, Ieng Thirith)

Posted: 24 May 2011 10:33 AM PDT

PART ONE: FACTUAL FINDINGS
I. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
18.               The existence of the Communist Party of Kampuchea (CPK) was not officially announced until September 1977, when the party had already been in power for more than two years (it appears that the term "Angkar", which had been in use since the 1940s meant "Organization", and described the Party as a whole but also the leaders at different levels, without further specificity). However, groups espousing communist ideology had been in existence in Cambodia for many years beforehand. Despite the fact that the party has had a tendency to re-write its own history,25 it is possible to ascertain its development through a number of key dates of relevance to the judicial investigation.26 
19.               One of the first communist organizations in the region was the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP), which was strongly influenced by Vietnamese communists and founded in 1930. The party was officially dissolved in 1951 and its former members were supposed to establish separate revolutionary organizations for each country. The new party created in Cambodia was the Khmer People's Revolutionary Party ("KPRP"), which tried to dominate the Issarak groups fighting for independence.27 Independence was finally proclaimed in 1953 and recognized at the 1954 Geneva Conference. 
21. Immediately after the 1954 Conference, the communist movement initially created a public group, the Pracheachon, and sought socialist reform through the democratic process. However, facing the repression by the authorities, the leaders of the Workers Party increasingly considered armed struggle necessary for victory and began preparations for it.33 Already in 1960, the Workers Party established a "Secret Defense Unit"34 to protect its cadres and political activities, as well as to "smash" the enemy. Duch states that this policy was adopted at the first Congress "to entice the forces that can be lured; to neutralize the forces that can be neutralized; to isolate and smash the isolated forces"[1] 
22. After the disappearance in 1962 of the Secretary of the Workers Party, Tou Samouth, (whose disappearance was never elucidated), a Second Party Congress was held in late February 1963. Saloth Sar became the new secretary and Nuon Chea remained deputy secretary.36 This Congress was held in Phnom Penh, and the participants were again a small group that included Ieng Sary and Sao Phim (both of whom were elected full rights members of the Standing Committee), Ta Mok, Vorn Vet, Son Sen, Ruos Nheum and Kung Sophal.37 A few months later, after the government published a list of 34 known "leftists,"38 Pol Pot and a number of the other named Party leaders, including Ieng Sary and Son Sen, fled the capital. They took refuge at a Vietnamese base on the border, where they later established an office known as Office 100.39 By 1965, they were joined by their spouses Khieu Ponnary, Ieng Thirith and Yun Yat.40 Nuon Chea, whose identity had remained secret and hence was not on the "list of 34", stayed in Phnom Penh and assumed responsibility for Party operations in the capital and most of the zones.41
23. In January 1965, the Workers Party approved a resolution that rejected the possibility of a "peaceful transition" to socialism, and confirmed that it was "absolutely necessary to use revolutionary violence" in the struggle against the imperialists.42 In a Central Committee meeting held in September or October 1966, the leaders decided to change the name of the Party to CPK (although that decision was kept secret until the next Party Congress), to relocate Office 100 to Ratanakiri province, and that each zone would begin preparations for armed struggle.43 In 1967, several Party leaders agreed to launch a general uprising in 1968.44 Shortly thereafter, a new Central Committee headquarters (also called Office 100) was established in Ratanakiri, a few kilometres away from Office-102, the Northeast Zone Office used by Ieng Sary (who had been appointed Zone Secretary).45
Revolutionary Army of Kampuchea ("RAK").47 In the following months, guerrilla attacks continued by CPK forces throughout the country.48
25. On 18 March 1970, Prince Norodom Sihanouk was overthrown by General Lon Nol and Prince Sirik Matak, who established a regime which was later called the "Khmer Republic".49 On 23 March 1970, Sihanouk announced the formation of the National United Front of Kampuchea ("FUNK"), and called on his countrymen to rise up against the new government.50 Prince Sihanouk and the CPK formed an alliance as well as a government-in- exile based in Beijing called the Royal Government of National Union of Kampuchea ("GRUNK"). It was officially announced on 5 May 1970.51 Norodom Sihanouk was President of the FUNK, the Prime Minister of the GRUNK was the non-communist Penn Nouth,52 and Khieu Samphan was Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Defence. Ieng Thirith was appointed Vice-Minister for Culture, Education and Youth in the GRUNK by August 1970.53
26. Around this time, the CPK leaders left Ratanakiri. A several month trip began, south of the Steung Chinit River on the border of Kampong Cham and Kampong Thom provinces, the location of the headquarters of North Zone Secretary Koy Thuon.54 Pol Pot and Nuon Chea first stayed at a base code-named K-1, located in Dangkda village northeast of Speu Subdistrict.55 At the end of 1970, they moved to a larger base close by on the northern side of the Chinit River code-named S-71.56 The Party leaders based at this site included Pol Pot, Nuon Chea, Khieu Samphan, and Chhim Sam Aok alias Pang.57
27. Ieng Sary went to Hanoi in December 1970 to organise the radio (the "Voice of the FUNK"), which was placed under the authority and control of Ieng Thirith58 until May 1975. Thereafter, in April 1971, he travelled to Beijing to stay with Sihanouk and to serve as the "special emissary of the resistance movement" 5 At his villa in Beijing, Ieng Sary had a direct telegraph link to S-71.60
28. In early 1971, the CPK Central Committee met for the first time since October 1966 for a three-day meeting at S-71. 27 of its members attended the meeting, including Pol Pot, Nuon Chea, Sao Phim, Vorn Vet, Ta Mok, Ruos Nheum, Kung Sophal, Chou Chet, Kang Chap, Koy Thuon, Ke Pork, Seua Vasi alias Doeun and Pang.61 zone secretaries, and military commanders such as Ke Pork.63 The Congress officially ratified the CPK name that had been adopted five years earlier, and elected a new Central Committee that included Khieu Samphan as an "alternate" or "candidate" member.64
30. In May 1972, the new Central Committee met and issued a directive to Party members to intensify the struggle against the "various oppressive classes" and approved plans for the collectivisation of agriculture.65 Cooperatives were officially imposed by the CPK in the areas they controlled one year later on 20 May 1973.66
31. Later in 1973, the CPK established a new forward base near Chrok Sdech village west of Oudong in Kampong Tralach Leu District, close to the location of Vorn Vet's Special Zone headquarters and the command post of Son Sen.67 25 CPK battalions took up positions around Oudong, and attacked the former royal capital on 3 March 1974. 68
32. In June 1974, the Central Committee met in Prek Kok Subdistrict, close to the former location of K-1, and "resolved to mount the decisive offensive to liberate Phnom Penh and the entire country". The final assault on Phnom Penh began in January 1975.70 In early March 1975, Pol Pot established a command base in Sdok Taol village in Oudong or Ponhea Leu District, only 20 kilometres from the capital.71 On 1 April 1975, after CPK forces "liberated Neak Loeung," Lon Nol resigned and went into exile in Hawaii.72 On the morning of 17 April 1975, CPK forces entered Phnom Penh.73

[Cambodian worker involved in] Island Incident

Posted: 24 May 2011 07:14 AM PDT

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8k91Ag6xyIs&feature=player_embedded


On Monday morning, the Sawang Boriboon Rescue Radio Center was called to assist with an incident on Koh Lan.

Miss Mom, aged 32 from Cambodia was suspected of suffering from internal bleeding whilst working at a laundry service on the island. She had lost a lot of blood and was about to go into coma.

She was rushed to the mainland where the Sawang Boriboon Rescue Team was waiting at Bali Hai pier to take her to Banglamung Hospital as soon as she arrived.

A Cambodian co-worker Miss Goon who came with the official crew stated that Miss Mom did not realize she was pregnant and as she was working hard this could have caused the internal bleeding.

Commemoration of the Loss of Kampuchea Krom at Wat Dhamaram in Springvale, Victoria, Australia

Posted: 24 May 2011 07:06 AM PDT

Q&A with Theary C. Seng Culled from a set of questions posed to her from foreign journalists re Cases 003 and 004 last week, mid May 2011

Posted: 24 May 2011 06:45 AM PDT


Q&A with Theary C. Seng
Culled from a set of questions posed to her from foreign journalists
re Cases 003 and 004 last week, mid May 2011

. . . . .

Journalist 1 ("J1"): The national co-prosecutor, Chea Leang, released a statement saying that the suspects do not fall under the jurisdiction of the court as they were not senior leaders or those most responsible for crimes committed by the Khmer Rouge. Many disagree, including the international co-prosecutor. According to court documents cited in media reports, those suspects include Sou Met and Meas Mut, commanders of the KR air force and navy respectively. They have been accused of murder, torture and forced labour, among other crimes. As a historian, do you think these men fall under the category of senior leaders or those most responsible?

Theary C. Seng ("TS"):  It is not surprising that Madam Chea Leang, a niece of Deputy Prime Minister Sok An, should re-iterate the resolute position of the Prime Minister, that there should be no more prosecutions beyond the current five detainees/indictees.  Hers is a politically-influenced decision with attempts of legal rationale which doesn't pass the "laugh test".   Lawyers are very good at coming up with reasons, but to be credible they must pass what one of my law professors called the "laugh test"; that is, is it credible or believable?

The Extraordinary Chambers ("ECCC", or informally the "Khmer Rouge Tribunal") has personal jurisdiction over two groups of Khmer Rouge cadres: (i) those who held "senior" positions over the whole country and/or contributed to the national genocidal policy (e.g. a "joint criminal enterprise" or "common design or purpose", most easily ascertained if s/he were a member of the DK Standing Committee), and—a disjunctive "and"—(ii) "those most responsible", referring to the person's potent destruction of many lives.

The definition or scope of what these two groups entailed has not been legally circumscribed; that is to say, the definition is an open question with really no precedents to rely upon, as each genocide or mass crimes can be distinguished one from the other.

Effectively, the definition will be circumscribed practically—by limited resources of money and time, as well as by larger, less invidious (and to a large extent) political considerations (by nature of the fact that the parties who negotiated the ECCC establishment are political bodies, i.e., the UN and Royal government of Cambodia).


All to say, there is no magical figure as to how many should be tried or indicted.  We know it is not practical nor desirable to try everyone with a bloody hand for crimes committed during the period of 17 April 1975 to 7 January 1979.  That would be in the hundreds if not thousands, and it would create social chaos and instability, working against the goals of reconciliation.

That said, however, the current five is not enough and to push for another five is not unreasonable.  To argue social instability here is to employ a false pretext, which is the current position of the national co-prosecutor and of the government. 

Unacceptable Political Interference – Overreach:  But what is more repulsive is the invidious interference of politics into a legal decision.  In blocking further prosecutions, the Cambodian prime minister is assuming the role of a prosecutor or co-investigating judge in the ECCC when he is not a staff, an unacceptable overreach of his political position.  To prosecute or not to prosecute is a judicial decision, not to be decided by politics, if we are to adhere to international standards.

Sou Met and Meas Muth:  It is laughable to say that Meas Muth, a former Khmer Rouge commander holding a national position as the head of the Democratic Kampuchea Navy, in addition to his regional military role, and Sou Met, another former KR commander holding a national position of chief of DK Air Force, in addition to his regional military role, do not fall under the ECCC personal jurisdiction of "senior KR leader" or "those most responsible".  Madam prosecutor Chea Leang is either engaged in self-delusion of seismic proportion or legally incompetent as the "representative of the victims"; she is failing the "laugh test".
 
The ECCC personal jurisdiction is a disjunctive "and", needing the men to fall into only one of the two categories.  Here, they fit into both categories of "senior KR leader" and "those most responsible".  "Senior KR leader" because both these men held senior NATIONAL POSTIONS and contributed materially to the "joint criminal enterprise" or common design/policy which took effect all over Democratic Kampuchea, and "those most responsible" because many, countless deaths are attributed to them.

In short, YES, a resounding YES, these men easily fall under the personal jurisdiction of the ECCC.

Journalist 2 ("J2"):  International co-prosecutor Andrew Cayley released a statement asking for the investigation to continue. He pointed out that, during 20 months of investigation, no field investigations were conducted at the sites, and the suspects were not interviewed. He also claimed there was not enough outreach to civil parties who might bring forward evidence. Some observers have suggested that investigators did minimal work because they did not want cases 003 and 004 to proceed, especially in light of the Cambodian government's public opposition to expanding the scope of prosecution. Do you think investigators have adequately conducted investigations?

TS:  Both the Cambodian and international (UN) personnel of the ECCC Office of Co-Investigating Judges failed miserably in their duties to investigate.  They are grossly negligent in failing at their most basic responsibility mandated of them by not interviewing the suspects/charged persons, by not investigating the crime sites, by not interviewing witnesses, by not keeping the general public and the victims who could be complainants or civil parties abreast of the investigative proceedings, etc.

The gross negligence and deceit surrounding Cases 003 and 004 are transparent and criminal, a frontal assault to the victims and our pursuit of honorable justice.

What I find absolutely abhorrent and deeply troubling is the complicity of the UN in all of this—this surreal Kafkaesque distortion and the deafening silence of the international and donor community.  We expected, to a degree, the Cambodian personnel to align unquestioningly with the dictates of Cambodian politics, but what is totally unacceptable and sickening is the UN succumbing to the same domestic politics.
 
We, the Cambodian people, opened ourselves up to the great hope of the Khmer Rouge Tribunal ONLY because the United Nations got involved; we did not trust the national court.  We trusted the United Nations and its iteration of (its own!) international standards, including judicial independence.  We expected the UN to stand up to fair trial rights and protect judicial integrity.  In Cases 003 and 004, both the Cambodian and the UN personnel have failed us—us, the victims, and us the global community.  Remember, we are trying "crimes against humanity"—against you, non-Khmer, as well as the Khmers.

In sum, the investigators have simply, transparently, basically failed in their most elementary duties of investigation, e.g. visit crime sites, interview suspects/witnesses, etc.

J2:  How do you think the controversy about 003/004 reflects on the court as a whole?

J1:  Investigating judge Siegfried Blunk has threatened Cayley with contempt of court charges. Meanwhile, the two co-prosecutors have released public statements that express completely opposing viewpoints. Given the fractures between international staff, and between national and international staff, as well as the accusations of political interference, what do you think about the state of the tribunal at this stage? Will it be able to fulfill its mandate as an independent body able to bring those accused of being senior Khmer Rouge or those most responsible to justice?
TS:  The current events of the last several weeks—the public in-fighting between the UN co-prosecutor and the UN co-investigating judge, the very public disagreement between the co-prosecutors—bode ominously for the welfare of the Khmer Rouge Tribunal.  These events have greatly marred and damaged the integrity and image of the Tribunal.  At this pace, the Tribunal is heading for an irreparable crash. 
However, the Tribunal can yet be salvaged, but it requires the more reasonable senior voices, e.g. Dame Silvia Cartwright, French Judge Laverge, etc., of the Tribunal to publicly speak up.  It also requires the donor and international community to speak up.
I have been a critic of this Tribunal, but also one of its strongest advocates because I saw and experienced the benefits of having this Tribunal in existence.  I continue to believe in the Tribunal, despite the very public woes, but only if reform kicks in now.  The Tribunal needs to have the more mature, reasoned voices from the UN side bring it back to equilibrium.  I hope the Tribunal will call for an internal meeting soon, and the United Nations in New York will assign a trusted envoy with steady physical presence in Cambodia to bring sanity to the currently fractious situation, which could destroy the court.  The wheels are wobbly and they need to repair the wheels, especially as Case 002 is about to start.
All to say, the Tribunal is in deep trouble, in need of mature intervention from the UN headquarters and more senior reasonable voices currently within the Tribunal.  In the road toward recovery and part and parcel of the reform must include the resignations of UN chief administrator Knut Rosandhaug and Judge Siegfried Blunk.
The integrity of this Extraordinary Chambers is on the line.  The integrity of the United Nations is on the line.  The integrity of internationalized justice is on the line.  The outcome of Cases 003 and 004 is a litmus test not only for the Extraordinary Chambers and domestic Cambodia, but serves as a litmus test for international criminal justice and the reputation of the UN.
This Royal Government of Cambodia never wanted a legitimate tribunal to try the crimes of the Khmer Rouge for personal, national, regional and international reasons.  The Extraordinary Chambers only came into existence due to international pressure, and only as a product of political compromises; it is a product of the lowest common denominator.
J2:  The court has divulged little information about 003/004 and observers expect the cases to be dismissed. But you have listed the names of the five suspects and were the first to apply for civil party status. Why are you fighting so hard for cases 003/004? How much progress do you feel you have made?

TS:  HONORABLE, QUALITY justice is my demand and the demand of all the other victims and survivors.  It is not an unreasonable demand.  We are not demanding a figure of 5 or 10 or 20 or 100 etc; all we are saying is that the administration of justice MUST BE OF QUALITY.   What is happening with regards to Cases 003 and 004 has an impact on the QUALITY of justice.  The ECCC, in not pursuing these cases, is effectively telling us victims to accept shoddy, cheap, tattered justice.  The DISRESPECT for victims—the lives lost as well as the survivors—as well as the DISRESPECT for our suffering is beyond the pale.  Moreover they do it with great DECEIT!  Not only do they not recognize our suffering and our pursuit for justice, which REQUIRES TRUTH, but they do so with great arrogance and insolence.
 
To put it in personal terms, the memory of my mother, the memory of my father, the memory of my aunt Eap and uncle Long and the memories of 1,700,000 lives will not be soiled by these judges without a fight.  They thought they could quietly make Cases 003 and 004 disappear QUIETLY.  Well, in light of the events of the last several weeks, this is not going to happen.  So, in this regard, this is progress.  But we will not stop here; my intent is not to create a scandal for scandal's sake.  The larger goal is justice in our journey of truth-seeking of the dark KR era.  I have hope in the voices of the people in turning the situation around.  And the voices are growing, so this is very good.

J2:  Do you think there is a lot of interest in cases 003 and 004 among Cambodians today? Or do you think seeing justice done in case 002 will satisfy most victims?

TS:  Interests in anything do not magically arise out of a vacuum; they need to be triggered and fostered and shaped.  How can Cambodians be interested in something, e.g. KR history/tribunal, that for the last 35 years has been kept away out of public view and discourse, that was not in the school curriculum?  The establishment of the ECCC or KR Tribunal TRIGGERED interests.  Civil society through our public forums, e.g. on Justice and Reconciliation, TRIGGERED interests.  National and international coverage of the KR history and the establishment of the court and the historic attempt of enfolding victims into the criminal process TRIGGERED interests.  All to say, we have done a pretty good job in generating conversations, thus interests, in the Khmer Rouge Tribunal as it relates to Case 001 and 002.  A major part of generating interests includes INFORMATION in order for discourse to take place beyond individual personal experience.
IF we are thoughtful and intentional and strategic, we can shape and TRIGGER further interests in Cases 003 and 004 as we have done in Cases 001 and 002.  I see this as a major responsibility and burden I have placed on myself - how to communicate and enfold the Cambodian population, whose majority if not the whole are personally entangled in the history and crimes under scrutiny, into the process at the Tribunal.  In doing so, we are enlarging the space for dialogue and public discourse in addition to other benefits of healing and education.  In light of my history and the blessings I have been given in the States in terms of educational opportunities and space for healing, I see myself as a bridge between the complexity of the Tribunal and the more simple (less educated) population.
Your question on justice emphasizes the figure; our emphasis is QUALITY.  Justice is not a figure, but QUALITY.  We are being dished out tattered, cheap justice in Cases 003 and 004.
We, the Cambodian people, are not be satisfied with the current five indictees, especially in light of the US$200,000,000 already spent on this Tribunal, for the deaths of 1,700,000 to 2,200,000 loved ones.  And there's a real fear that only Duch and one or two of the Senior KR leaders in Case 002 will live through the whole criminal proceeding.  This is not an equation that is acceptable to Cambodians - trying five and with the real possibility that of these five, only three or four will see the full legal justice and be the scapegoats of the KR regime.  It's nonsensical math.
J1:  Why do you think the Cambodian government is so opposed to bring cases 003 and 004 to trial?

TS:  This Royal Government of Cambodia never wanted a legitimate tribunal to try the crimes of the Khmer Rouge for personal, national, regional and international reasons.  The Extraordinary Chambers only came into existence due to international pressure, and only as a product of political compromises; it is a product of the lowest common denominator.

Personal reasons:  This Hun Sen government opposes the Khmer Rouge Tribunal for personal reasons:  many of the senior government officials, including himself were Khmer Rouge of whatever rank.  For them it is a shameful past that should not resurface or be under scrutiny.
National reasons:  The Khmer Rouge has been integrated into national politics, with Sou Met and Meas Muth, for example, holding senior military positions in the current Royal Government of Cambodia.  Thus, a Khmer Rouge Tribunal is an inconvenience to political governance.
Regional/international reasons: China, a major powerhouse in Cambodian politics, never wanted the Khmer Rouge Tribunal, having been the patron of the Khmer Rouge before, during and after the regime of April 1975-Jan. 1979.
All to say, since the Khmer Rouge Tribunal became inevitable, it serves this current Hun Sen regime to be the try-er of the Khmer Rouge, but limited and within its control, and at the same time to white-wash its own Khmer Rouge history.  Thus, it is heralding the one Tribunal "victory" of Duch of S-21; it would serve the interests of current politics to have only Duch and/or one or two of the senior KR leaders in Case 2 see the light of full proceeding.

The other two cases would prolong these embarrassing issues of Khmer Rouge history, opening too much space for curious journalists, filmmakers and outspoken civil society commentators to draw unflattering parallels to members of this current regime, e.g. Hor Nam Hong. 

NGO pressure mounts

Posted: 24 May 2011 03:02 AM PDT

Tuesday, 24 May 2011
Thomas Miller and Sen David
The Phnom Penh Post

Cambodia's controversial NGO law is being drafted for a third time, the government confirmed yesterday, as the number of organisations slamming the latest public version of the legislation neared 600.

Critics have stated that the legislation would cripple Cambodian civil society if it were adopted, citing provisions that would outlaw unregistered voluntary organisations, force foreign NGOs to collaborate with the government and leave government involvement in NGO activities unchecked.

The outcry intensified last month after the Ministry of Interior released a second draft that failed to address concerns expressed by civil society, and Nouth Sa An, secretary of state at the ministry, said he would advance the draft to the Council of Ministers in the first week of April.

This has yet to happen but 574 NGOs have now added to the pressure by declaring the second draft "unacceptable" in a statement released yesterday by the Cooperation Committee for Cambodia.


The organisations "are very concerned that the law in its second draft gives far-reaching power to the authorities to control the rights of citizens to organise and express themselves", the statement said.

The United States said last month that the legislation was "emblematic" of efforts around the world to restrict civil society, and told the government during a meeting with international donors that the law could jeopardise financial assistance.

The World Bank also called for further discussion on the law during the meeting.

Mey Narath, deputy director of the political affairs department at the Ministry of Interior, said yesterday that the ministry was preparing a third draft, but did not know whether it would be shared publicly.

He indicated, however, that the government had already taken NGO concerns into account.

"Before, the Ministry of Interior sent the draft law to NGOs and [embassies] for discussion many times, and the ministry has collected recommendations for examination," he said.

Nouth Sa An said yesterday that he was aware of NGO criticisms of the legislation but had "resolved the problems already".

Last week, he said that he planned to meet with Deputy Prime Minister Sok An to discuss changes to the proposed law before sending it to the Council of Ministers.

Lun Borithy, executive director of CCC, said yesterday he believed that "the majority of active NGOs are in support" of the joint statement.

The paramount concern, he said, was to see the new version of the law.

"Civil society is keen to see the third draft before it's heading to the Council of Ministers, something we've been promised," he said. He added that Nouth Sa An said during a meeting earlier this year that if a third draft was produced, it would be shared.

"The ministry said that we would get a glimpse of the third draft, and that hasn't materialised yet," Lun Borithy said.

Consultation after the law is passed on to the Council of Ministers is not expected.

Survey team not to enter disputed area between Thailand and Cambodia

Posted: 24 May 2011 02:59 AM PDT

May 24, 2011
Xinhua

Thailand's Ministry of Defense confirmed Tuesday that a survey team assigned by the ASEAN did not enter the 4.6 square km disputed zone at the Thai-Cambodian border, and the operation will not affect any existing agreements.

Defense Ministry Spokesperson Colonel Thanathip Sawangsaeng stated that the survey had been agreed in the 5th ASEAN Defense Ministers Meeting at Jakarta, Indonesia.

He elaborated that the unarmed survey team, which is comprised of three members from each country -- Thailand, Cambodia and Indonesia, would take about 1-2 days in their mission. The team had nothing to do with any existing agreements or Terms of Reference (ToR), the guideline for deploying Indonesian observers to station along the border, he added.

"The mission of this survey team which was agreed at last week 's ASEAN Defense Ministers Meeting is different from Indonesian observers but it is a good start for further cooperation. The team will comprise civilian members and is irrelevant with ToR,"said the spokesman.


The spokesperson expected that arrangement of a Thai-Cambodian General Border Committee (GBC) meeting will be clearer upon the completion of the survey.

Col Thanathip stressed the stance of Thailand once again that foreign observers could be sent into the 4.6 sq-km disputed zone surrounding the contentious Phra Vihear Temple only after Thailand and Cambodia had withdrawn their troops from the area while the GBC meeting must be arranged first.

Following a deadly cross-border fighting from February 4 to 7, Thai, Cambodian and Indonesian foreign ministers attended the U.N. Security Council (UNSC) meeting in New York on Feb. 14 to discuss the conflicts. UNSC meeting urged Thailand and Cambodia to establish "permanent ceasefire" and asked Indonesia to facilitate the talks.

As a result, the Asean informal ministerial meeting on Feb. 22 resolved that Thailand and Cambodia should hold talks and Indonesia offered to deploy observer team along the border to implement permanent truce. However, assignment of Indonesian observers has not yet been realized as the ToR and some agreements have not been finalized.

Joint teams to [survey] border ahead of GBC

Posted: 24 May 2011 02:55 AM PDT

24/05/2011
Wassana Nanuam
Bangkok Post

Three joint survey teams comprising members from Thailand, Cambodia and Indonesia will examine the disputed area on the Thai-Cambodian border ahead of the General Border Committee (GBC) meeting, defence spokesman Col Thanathip Sawangsaeng said on Tuesday.

Col Thanathip said this was agreed on by the defence ministers of Thailand and Cambodia at the Asean Defence Ministers Meeting in Jakarta, Indonesia, earlier this month.

Each of the three teams will comprise three officials - one Thai and one representative each from the Cambodian and Indonesian embassies. It had not yet been decided when they will go or how they will be deployed, he said.


All nine members of the three teams will be civilians and be unarmed.

The examination of the disputed area by the survey teams will lead to the 8th GBC meeting between Thailand and Cambodia.

The teams are not part of the terms of reference (TOR) for the planned positioning of the Indonesian Observers Team to the disputed area, Col Thanathip said.

Details of the observer team's assignment may be discussed during the GBC meeting, he added.

China seeks to expand trade, investment ties with Cambodia

Posted: 24 May 2011 12:25 AM PDT

May 24, 2011
Xinhua

China sees Cambodia as one of the potential trade and investment partners among the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and pledges to boost closer economic ties between the two countries, said a senior Chinese official on Tuesday.

During a meeting with Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, Wan Jifei, visiting chairman of China Council for the Promotion of International Trade and president of China Chamber of International Commerce, said that his visit to Cambodia was to boost closer cooperation between China and Cambodia on trade and investment.

He has brought with a number of large Chinese companies to explore trade and investment opportunity in Cambodia.

"China is pleased to encourage Chinese investors to Cambodia in order to help Cambodia in its efforts for national development,"he said.


Meanwhile, Prime Minister Hun Sen said, "To date, China is the largest investor in Cambodia," and that most of Chinese investments here are in infrastructure development, hydro-power dams, mineral resources exploration, irrigation system, and garment industry.

"These investment projects are very vital for sustainable and long-term development of Cambodian economy," he added.

According to the report from the Council for the Development of Cambodia, China is the largest investor in Cambodia with the accumulative investment of 8 billion U.S. dollars by the end of 2010.

Hun Sen said that Cambodia would try to boost bilateral trade with China to 2.5 billion U.S. dollars in 2012 from 1.4 billion U. S. dollars in 2010.

Wan Jifei will also hold meeting with Cambodian Minister of Commerce Cham Prasidh and officials at Cambodian chamber of commerce on Tuesday afternoon on trade and investment cooperation opportunity.

Davis student makes 7,500-mile journey to diploma

Posted: 24 May 2011 12:22 AM PDT

Davis High School senior Po Keang Taing carries soup to customers at his family's Yakima restaurant May 17, 2010. He will graduate from Davis High School next month and will attend Central Washington University next fall. He works at the restaurant, the Tea Garden Chinese and Thai Restaurant, several nights each week. (GORDON KING/Yakima Herald-Republic)

Monday, May 23, 2011
By Jane Gargas
Yakima Herald-Republic

Po Keang Taing may walk only a few hundred feet down the aisle to obtain his graduation diploma, but he traveled more than 7,500 miles to get there.

And that's just the beginning.

Born in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, Taing came to the United States with his family when he was 13. Now 19, he arrived here from the Southeast Asia country knowing little English.

On June 1, he's graduating from A.C. Davis High School in the top tier of students. (He was sixth in the class of 374 at the end of last trimester.)

Now fluent, he's excelled in a number of International Baccalaureate honors classes at Davis.


"That's why we came to the United States -- for education," Taing says.

Taing's father, Meng Sok Taing, and mother, Chou Ean Chen, have four sons: the two oldest attend Central Washington University, and the youngest is 13.

When they first came to this country, the family moved to Ellensburg, where Chen's brother and sister live. Chen's ancestors are Chinese, while Meng Sok Taing's are Vietnamese and Chinese.

Taing struggled that year with English pronunciation -- "the" is especially hard, he says -- but began picking up words as he went along.

Three years ago, his family bought the former Siam House restaurant here and moved to Yakima, so Taing entered Davis in the spring of freshman year. He didn't know anyone there.

"People who come here just speaking Spanish usually have other people they can talk to, but he had no one to hang out with," says Lynne Greene, librarian at Davis.

But Taing quickly adapted, she says. "He's smart as a whip, and he's a hard worker."

At first, Taing enrolled in English as a Second Language classes but before long was taking honors subjects, including International Baccalaureate chemistry and math.

Taing has received three principal's awards and six academic excellence awards, given to just a few students in each department.

"I've tried to do my best," he says.

Taing admits that he still struggles with test taking ("I'm slow, and it's hard to finish, but I do"), and is modest about his skills ("I listen better than I speak or read"), but he's earned a scholarship to Central and will enroll there in the fall, with the goal of eventually going to medical school.

After school, Taing heads to his family's restaurant, the Tea Garden at 110 S. Fourth St. There he waits on tables and works the cash register for his parents, who mostly speak Khmer, the language of Cambodia, while they learn English.

The restaurant serves both Thai and Chinese food; Taing is especially fond of his parents' Pad Thai noodles and General Tso's Chicken, but he reflects a new American taste too: He likes pizza and hamburgers.

When the restaurant closes at 9 p.m., Taing begins his homework.

Stephanie Gedvilas, a tutor coordinator at Davis, served as mentor for Taing's senior project, a portfolio of his high school work. She points out that Taing is "amazing" in math and adds, "he's really good in art, too. I didn't know he was that talented until I saw his pencil and chalk drawings."

According to Greene, Taing isn't just bright; he's mature and socially skilled, too. "He's made a lot of friends here, and people really respect him," she notes.
------------
Po Keang Taing

Age: 19
School: A.C. Davis High School.
Notable: After coming to this country knowing just a few English words five years ago, the Cambodian native is graduating with honors and a 3.88 GPA.
What's next? Central Washington University.
Graduation ceremony: 7 p.m. June 1, Yakima Valley SunDome.

China and Thai-Cambodia Spat

Posted: 23 May 2011 11:31 PM PDT

May 24, 2011
By Eddie Walsh
The Diplomat
The fighting also helps improve the political standing of his son, who reportedly led troops during part of the conflict, and likely is being groomed as a successor. Finally, the crisis certainly distracts Cambodians from other domestic issues, such as poverty, and foreign policy issues, such as the Mekong River development.
The ongoing border dispute between Thailand and Cambodia actually represents something of a strategic opportunity for China—can it use its influence with the two nations to bolster its argument that it is rising peacefully?

As a member of the UN Security Council, China has already called on the two parties to peacefully resolve the crisis, while supporting the UN view that the Association of Southeast Asian Nations should take a leading role in facilitating dialogue on the issue. China's actions so far, then, appear to support its stated policy of securing an amicable, tranquil, and prosperous ASEAN neighbourhood, as well as its interests in boosting trade and security cooperation.

Still, China may have an opportunity to play a more prominent role in the resolution of the crisis through behind the scenes bilateral diplomacy in support of ASEAN's objectives. The question is whether or not China will be able to take advantage of this chance before the current conflict is resolved—or spirals out of control.

The border dispute between Thailand and Cambodia is the result of a larger, decades-old dispute between the two neighbours over the demarcation of their 798-kilometre border. The main point of contention is the Preah Vihear Temple, and although the two agreed to submit their dispute over the temple to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and abide by its decision, Thai nationalists refuse to accept the ICJ's 1962 ruling giving sovereignty over the temple to Cambodia. This has led to periodic violence over the lands adjacent to the temple, which fall outside of the ICJ ruling. Tensions have been particularly high since Preah Vihear was recognized as a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 2008.


In the years since the ICJ ruling, bilateral and regional agreements and mechanisms have been put in place to mitigate conflict between the neighbours. Both parties entered into the 1976 Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia, which commits parties to resolve intra-state conflict without violence. A previous Thai government also signed the 2000 Memorandum of Understanding, which established a Joint Border Commission to peacefully resolve overlapping claims. These efforts appeared to be strengthened when a subsequent Thai government issued a 2008 Joint Communiqué with Cambodia which supported the World Heritage bid for Preah Vihear.

Despite these actions, though, important constituent groups in Thailand maintain that the status of Preah Vihear remains unresolved:

Yellow Shirts: These ultra-nationalists are vehemently opposed to Cambodian sovereignty claims over Preah Vihear. They used the Joint Communiqué to bring down the current government's predecessor in 2008. They are faring poorly in polls and are likely leveraging the crisis as a way to gain legitimacy—perhaps through a coup.

Thai Military: The military has played the role of traditional guardian of the modern Thai state, including 18 actual or attempted coups since 1932. Some argue the Thai army sees the dispute as a way to entrench the armed forces at the centre of the country's national security and political life.

Abhisit Government: The current Thai government argues that the failure of the Joint Border Commission to demarcate the land around the temple makes it impossible to resolve the status of the temple. With Abhisit facing pressure from all sides in upcoming national elections, his political manoeuvring remains limited on the issue.

Red Shirts: Red Shirts backing exiled Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra area major component of the domestic conflict in Thailand. However, thisalso fuels the Thai border debate, given Thaksin's close relationship with Cambodia's leadership.

On the Cambodian side, there also appear to be barriers to finding a permanent resolution of the dispute. For one, the issue provides Cambodia's leader, Hun Sen, with some welcome political capital. The fighting also helps improve the political standing of his son, who reportedly led troops during part of the conflict, and likely is being groomed as a successor. Finally, the crisis certainly distracts Cambodians from other domestic issues, such as poverty, and foreign policy issues, such as the Mekong River development.

So where does China come in?

Beijing maintains warm relations with both neighbours, offering a geographical buffer and the countering of US influence in the region. And, in addition to having a close historical relationship with both countries, China's aid comes with few strings attached in terms of governance, providing a welcome contrast in Thai and Cambodian eyes with Western nations.

From a strategic perspective, the recent, relatively low levels of violence do little to threaten China's interests. As China maintains warm relations with both neighbours and largely follows a non-intervention policy, it's in China's interests to refrain from overtly supporting either party, especially given the current lull in violence.

However, future escalation could yet threaten China's economic and security objectives in the region, which include sustaining economic growth through the China-ASEAN Free Trade Area and enhancing security cooperation on non-traditional security issues that threaten stability along its frontier (particularly piracy, terrorism, and illicit goods trafficking). This suggests that it's probably in China's long-term interests to consider leveraging its bilateral relationships with the combatants in support of ASEAN's efforts to mediate the crisis, as well as contributing to ASEAN's efforts to develop a more formal regional dispute resolution mechanism.

If China can do this, it wouldn't just strengthen its standing in the region, but could well boost the country's image in much of the rest of the world as well.

Eddie Walsh is a Post-MA scholar in the Department of Southeast Asian Studies, The Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS).

What is wrong with this picture?

Posted: 23 May 2011 11:17 PM PDT

May 24, 2011
Guy Brown, Marshalltown
Times-Republican (Central Iowa's Daily Newspaper)

I am currently in the Marshall County Jail. As I sit here thinking I have all these problems I realize I can resolve my own problems. The reason I'm writing is the illegal immigrants. Most of these guys in Marshall County are young. Most of them have started a family and have been working to support them. Now our country is in economic debt - why is our government paying to house all these inmates that could be out working and helping America?

I have gotten close to a couple of these inmates. One was born in Cambodia. He came to the United States at the age of 7. His whole family is in Des Moines. He graduated from high school and started a family. He has a girlfriend and an 8-year-old daughter and was working in Des Moines.

Our government is going to send him back to Cambodia without his family. He doesn't know anybody over there. I thought my problems were bad.

Another inmate is from Vietnam, a country that won't take people back. Why is our government holding him and paying for his expenses? His country won't take him - what does our government plan on doing with him? What is wrong with this picture?

COMFREL's Monitoring Report on Cambodian Government Fulfillmen​t on Its 4th Mandate Promises with Precise Indicator

Posted: 23 May 2011 11:09 PM PDT

Dear all,

Attached files are findings report and press release of COMFREL's Monitoring and Voters' Evaluation on the Performance of Elected Official and Royal Government toward their political platforms and promises from 2009 to 2010.

COMFREL has been conducting this project since the 3rd legislature of National Assembly.

The reports are also available at COMFREL's website: www.comfrel.org

Please note that the full report is available only in Khmer language while the press release is available in both Khmer and English language.

Thank you for your cooperation and attention.

COMFREL

***********************
The Committee for Free and Fair Elections in Cambodia (COMFREL),
# 138, St. 122, Teuk Laak I, Tuol Kork, Phnom Penh, Cambodia,
Tel: +855 23 88 41 50/12 942 017-9, Fax: +855 23 88 37 50


http://www.box.net/shared/c1i5mgejce


http://www.box.net/shared/sebxfe9j21


http://www.box.net/shared/tgj1p1zq7j

Vietnam, Cambodia cooperate in dealing with AO [Agent Orange] issues

Posted: 23 May 2011 10:49 PM PDT


24/05/2011

(VOV) - A delegation from the Vietnam Association of Agent Orange/Dioxin Victims (VAVA) is on a working visit to Cambodia from May 23-25.

The visit aims to strengthen the two countries' relationship and cooperation in overcoming the bad consequences caused by Agent Orange/Dioxin toxic chemical sprayed by US troops during the past war in Vietnam.

At a working session with the Cambodian Women's Association for Peace and Development (CWAPD) in Phnom Penh on May 23, the Vietnamese guests presented reports on issues related to Agent Orange victims in Vietnam who have badly suffered from a huge amount of herbicide that US troops spayed in Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia during the past war.


In Vietnam's southern region alone, nearly 5 million Vietnamese people have been affected by about 80 million liters of herbicide, most of which are Agent Orange (AO) chemical.

Border areas in Cambodia and Laos which share the common borderlines with Vietnam are also affected by the toxic chemical, resulting in environmental pollution and many serious diseases for generations, such as cancer and deformity.

The Vietnamese delegates called for closer cooperation among Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia to protect the legitimate rights of AO victims.

Cambodian Deputy Prime Minister Men Sam An, who is also CWAPD Chairwoman, expressed her sympathy for Vietnamese AO victims. She pledged to strengthen cooperation with Vietnam in pursuing justice for AO victims in Indochina.

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