KI Media: “10 leaflets found calling for the removal of Hun Xen from power” plus 24 more |
- 10 leaflets found calling for the removal of Hun Xen from power
- ECCC Law
- My Rights, My Responsibility (Constitution) Series
- Indonesia to sell Pindad Weapons to Laos and Cambodia
- [Thai] PM: Indonesian 'surveyors' to inspect Thai-Cambodian border
- Spat at Cambodia’s Khmer Rouge tribunal
- Appeal planned by KRT prosecutors
- Blood sugar 'on state hands'
- EU needs to take a firm stand on sugar
- Appeal Register of International Co-Prosecutor against the Order on International Co-Prosecutor's Public Statement Regarding Case File 003
- Vietnam [kafkaesque] Votes [-What happens in Vietnam will happen in Nambodia next]
- Closing Order of Case 002 (Nuon Chea, Khieu Samphan, Ieng Sary, Ieng Thirith)
- Thailand, Cambodia plan border meeting before June
- My Rights, My Responsibility (Constitution) Series
- Another development is coming ... so are the next land-grabbing and forced eviction
- Brain Food for ECCC
- ECCC Law
- Nobody is indispensable as the saying goes: A lesson for Hoon Xhen
- Royal favoristism or royal connivance with the CPP?
- 113 Cambodian Muslims Arrested At Checkpoint
- SRP MP Mu Sochua and EU MP Cecilia Wikstrom visit Koh Kong
- MP Son Chhay met US political officer Daniel Chu
- Victim family of land-grabbing in Pailin
- Serena Chuop isn't running anymore
- Sacrava's Political Cartoon: Case 003
| 10 leaflets found calling for the removal of Hun Xen from power Posted: 23 May 2011 02:51 PM PDT
 By Sok Serey Radio Free Asia Translated from Khmer by KD Click here to read the article in Khmer The legal case involving the distribution of anti-government leaflets in 2007 has not even ended yet, now a new case of leaflet distribution is surfacing again. The authority claimed that it came from the same group. The Phnom Penh authority is pursuing its investigation to arrest suspects involved in the distribution of more than 10 leaflets calling for an uprise against the Cambodian government led by Hun Xen. The cops indicated that the suspects come from a single group calling themselves "Nationalist Khmer" which spread out leaflets on 3 occasions already starting since 2007. Touch Naroth, the Phnom Penh police commissioner, said on 23 May that this group has no ability to topple the government, but it is only an opposition voice: "They are fomenting unrest. Therefore, we see that the country is developing this much and there are still dumb people believing this group which talks the same thing over and over." (sic!) Last week, the Phnom Penh authority collected more than 10 leaflets in front of the NatAss (aka National Assembly), calling for the Cambodian people to rise and demonstrate against the Cambodian government on issues ranging from gasoline price increase and food price inflation. Yim Sovann, SRP spokesman and SRP MP, said that Cambodians have the right to express their opinion, but the SRP is not involved with this leaflet: "The opposition party has no need to distribute such leaflet because we can talk at the National Assembly, on the Candle Light Radio program, on VOA and RFA. We can express our opinions [through these media]. We have no need to distribute leaflets." In February 2011, the Cambodian national police announced that it arrested 7 suspects who were accused of distributing leaflets opposing the government and cursing Hun Xen. 4 of the suspects were sent to the Phnom Penh municipal court to stand charge, and 3 others were sent to the Takeo provincial court to stand charge on Articles 494 and 495 of the new Penal code, after they were accused of incitation to crime. On 18 May, the government's Agence Kampuchea Presse (AKP) reported that a group of democracy supporters in Long Beach, USA, led by Meach Sovannara, issued a call through the Khmer Post newspaper for the Cambodian people to rise against the Cambodian government, just like what happened in Egypt.  | ||||
| Posted: 23 May 2011 09:34 AM PDT Law on the Establishment of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia for the Prosecution of Crimes Committed During the Period of Democratic Kampuchea ("ECCC Law") with inclusion of amendments as promulgated on 27 October 2004 CHAPTER VI: CO-PROSECUTORS The Co-Prosecutors shall prosecute in accordance with existing procedures in force. If these existing procedures do not deal with a particular matter, or if there is uncertainty regarding their interpretation or application or if there is a question regarding their consistency with international standards, the Co-Prosecutors may seek guidance in procedural rules established at the international level. In the event of disagreement between the Co-Prosecutors the following shall apply: The prosecution shall proceed unless the Co-Prosecutors or one of them requests within thirty days that the difference shall be settled in accordance with the following provisions; The Co-Prosecutors shall submit written statements of facts and the reasons for their different positions to the Director of the Office of Administration. The difference shall be settled forthwith by a Pre-Trial Chamber of five judges, three Cambodian judges appointed by the Supreme Council of the Magistracy, one of whom shall be President, and two foreign judges appointed by the Supreme Council of the Magistracy upon nomination by the Secretary-General of the United Nations. The appointment of the above judges shall follow the provisions of Article 10 of this Law. Upon receipt of the statements referred to in the third paragraph, the Director of the Office of Administration shall immediately convene the Pre-Trial Chamber and communicate the statements to its members. A decision of the Pre-Trial Chamber, against which there is no appeal, requires the affirmative vote of at least four judges. The decision shall be communicated to the Director of the Office of Administration, who shall publish it and communicate it to the Co-Prosecutors. They shall immediately proceed in accordance with the decision of the Chamber. If there is no majority as required for a decision, the prosecution shall proceed [that's how Cases 003 and 004 got to Co-Investigating Judges]. In carrying out the prosecution, the Co-Prosecutors may seek the assistance of the Royal Government of Cambodia if such assistance would be useful to the prosecution, and such assistance shall be provided.  | ||||
| My Rights, My Responsibility (Constitution) Series Posted: 23 May 2011 09:28 AM PDT Cambodian Constitution (Sept. 1993) CHAPTER XII: THE CONSTITUTIONAL COUNCIL New Article 144- New (Previously Article 125): An organic law shall specify the organization and operation of the Constitutional Council.  | ||||
| Indonesia to sell Pindad Weapons to Laos and Cambodia Posted: 23 May 2011 07:23 AM PDT Monday, 23 May, 2011 KARTIKA CHANDRA TEMPO Interactive, Jakarta: The government will continue to offer domestic made weapons to ASEAN countries. Defense Minister Purnomo Yusgiantoro said that one of the types of weapon proposed is the SS2 (Assault Rifle 2) produced by state-owned weapons manufacturer, PT. Pindad . "But there has been no positive responses yet," he said in Jakarta on May 22. Laos and Cambodia are among the interested countries. In addition, the government also offered the weapons to Brunei Darussalam. The other weapon proposed was a grenade launcher with a night vision mechanism. The SS2 rifles began to be manufactured by PT. Pindad in 2006 to replace the SS1 type. The 5.56x45 millimeter weapon is 930 millimeter long and has a 460 millimeter-long barrel. The SS2 can dispense 700 bullets per minute at a distance of 710 meters per second. One of the military units in Indonesia using these weapons Navy commando divers.  | ||||
| [Thai] PM: Indonesian 'surveyors' to inspect Thai-Cambodian border Posted: 23 May 2011 07:09 AM PDT BANGKOK, May 23 (MCOT online news) - Indonesia as the current chairman of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) will initially send a team of surveyors, not observers, to inspect the Thai-Cambodian border area but will not enter the 4.6 sq km contested area, according to Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva. Mr Abhisit said the earlier meeting of Defence Ministers of Thailand, Cambodia and Indonesia had concluded that the surveyors from Indonesia would be despatched and working for two days at the border areas. In Thailand's border, the premier said, they will inspect six or seven locations in Si Sa Ket province and will strictly not enter the contested area. When the surveyors return to Indonesia, the Thai-Cambodian General Border Committee (GBC) will meet in Cambodia and if the results conclude with an agreement to withdraw Cambodian troops from the 4.6 sq km area, then observers from Indonesia could come to inspect the areas. "The Cabinet meeting today discussed the common stance of Thailand on Thai-Cambodian border issue. I am confident that the government's action will not cause Thailand to lose territory. The surveyors from Indonesia must not wear uniforms and the scope of their work must be clearly defined. They will not be called observers as the observers can come after troop withdrawal," he said. Mr Abhsiit on Monday chaired a meeting at Government House of Cabinet ministers tasked with reviewing Thai-Cambodian problems to discuss and prepare for a meeting of the United Nations UNESCO the World Heritage Committee in Paris in June 2011 and the case Cambodia raised to the International Court of Justice. Last month Cambodia asked the World Court to clarify a 1962 ruling about the ancient temple on its disputed border with Thailand following the latest armed clashes between the two neighbouring countries. The International Court of Justice in The Hague ruled 49 years ago that the 11th-century Preah Vihear belonged to Cambodia, although its primary entrance lies in Thailand. However both countries claim ownership of the 4.6-square-kilometre (1.8-square-mile) surrounding area. Mr Abhsiit said that Natural Resources and Environment Minister Suwit Khunkitti who heads Thai delegation to the World Heritage Committee meeting leaves Bangkok for Paris Monday night for the meeting and to meet his Cambodian counterpart. He said Thailand will assert its stance that the committee should postpone or otherwise not consider the management plan for the surrounding area of Preah Vihear Temple as proposed by Cambodia to avoid further conflict. If it was agreed upon, the issue would be withdrawn from the agenda, he said. The prime minister said he had been reported from the agencies concerned on the preparation for fighting the case in the International Court of Justice but could not disclose the details. Regarding the possibility that the change of government after the July 3 general elections might impact the World Heritage Committee decision, Mr Abhisit said he believed the panel will make its decision before the Thai poll result. Thailand stands firm on its decision to bid to host the heritage committee meeting next year, he said. Mr Abhisit also said he hoped that there would be no more border clashes as the push for the observers was intended to resolve the border problem.  | ||||
| Spat at Cambodia’s Khmer Rouge tribunal Posted: 23 May 2011 07:05 AM PDT 23 May 2011 By Jared Ferrie, Phnom Penh Radio Netherlands Worldwide Cambodia's troubled tribunal has suffered further setbacks in recent weeks as a series of public disputes pitted officials against one another. The spat escalated quickly and dramatically with co-prosecutors issuing opposing statements and investigative judges reportedly threatening the international co-prosecutor with contempt of court. The disagreements involve a prospective case that the government strongly opposes even though prosecutors say they have sufficient evidence to charge a further five former Khmer Rouge officials. Critics accuse the court's investigative section of bowing to political pressure by failing to carry out proper investigations, thereby increasing the likelihood that the case will be dropped. Theary Seng, an activist and founder of the Centre for Justice and Reconciliation, said infighting and political interference could prevent the court from fulfilling its mandate. She called for intervention by international donors and UN headquarters to "salvage" the UN-backed court. "At this pace, the tribunal is heading for an irreparable crash," said Seng, whose parents were killed by the Khmer Rouge. Danger of collapse Ou Virak, president of the Cambodian Centre for Human Rights (CCHR), said the tribunal is in danger of collapse even before trying four top Khmer Rouge leaders whose case (002) is scheduled to begin June 27. "I think the court may struggle even to complete Case 002," he said. "Even if it does, the nature of the 'justice' it seeks to dispense has been entirely and irreparably undermined." The current crisis began with a seemingly innocuous one-sentence statement issued April 29 by the co-investigating judges, which simply said they had "concluded the investigations in Case 003". But the timing of the statement – released on a Friday evening when journalists are rushing to meet deadlines – along with its lack of detail raised alarm bells among observers. Opposition of higher officials High-ranking Cambodian government officials have repeatedly stated their opposition to expanding the scope of prosecution beyond the four persons already facing charges and one who has been convicted. Prime Minister Hun Sen even told visiting UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon that he would not allow more cases to go forward. Critics noted that investigators did not interview the suspects during 20 months of investigation into Case 003, nor did they visit alleged crime sites. Some interpreted these facts, along with the secrecy surrounding the case, as signs of an internal decision to scuttle the case. On May 9, International Co-prosecutor Andrew Cayley issued a detailed statement containing previously unreleased information, saying he was requesting further investigations, including interviews with witnesses and suspects, as well as visits to crime scenes that may contain mass graves. He reiterated his belief that the five suspects fall within the court's jurisdiction. Cayley's statement was followed the next day by one issued by his national counterpart, Chea Leang. She echoed the government's position that the court should cease its work at the conclusion of case 002. She said the suspects in case 003 could not be considered senior leaders or those most responsible for crimes committed under the Khmer Rouge. Many experts disagreed. The Open Society Justice Initiative called for further investigations, and noted: "Case 003 is believed to involve Sou Met, the former commander of the Khmer Rouge air force, and Meas Mut, the commander of the navy." Seng said it was "laughable" not to consider such high-ranking Khmer Rouge officers to be senior leaders. Ou, of CCHR, also said they should be considered as such. "I think they were important figures about which a good deal of evidence has been assembled," said David Chandler, a leading Khmer Rouge historian. Trouble within the court In the face of widespread support for Cayley, International Co-investigating Judge Siegfried Blunk apparently lashed out at the international co-prosecutor. On May 13, The Phnom Penh Post quoted a court source claiming that Blunk was considering initiating contempt of court proceedings against Cayley. Blunk has not denied that claim. Instead, his office announced on May 18 that it had issued an order for Cayley to retract parts of his statement within three working days. At the moment, the court's future hangs in the balance, which as Chandler pointed out, "is a state of affairs pleasing to those in power in Phnom Penh."  | ||||
| Appeal planned by KRT prosecutors Posted: 23 May 2011 01:27 AM PDT
James O'Toole The Phnom Penh Post Prosecutors at the Khmer Rouge tribunal have announced plans to appeal against an order from the court's investigating judges calling for them to retract a public statement made earlier this month, the latest salvo in the battle over the court's controversial third case. Deputy Prosecutor William Smith said yesterday that his office had filed a notice of appeal against the order on Friday to the court's Pre-Trial Chamber. Last month, co-investigating judges Siegfried Blunk and You Bunleng announced that they had concluded their investigation in Case 003. This case features former Khmer Rouge navy commander Meas Muth and air force commander Sou Met, though the men's identities have not yet officially been made public. In response to this announcement, British co-prosecutor Andrew Cayley issued a statement two weeks ago saying that the case "had not been fully investigated" and listing a series of additional investigative requests for the judges to perform, as he is permitted to do under court rules. Among these requests were steps, including the questioning of the suspects, that were so basic as to call into question the integrity of the original investigation, leading critics to charge that the judges had bowed to the stiff opposition to Case 003 from Prime Minister Hun Sen and other officials. In his statement, Cayley also named a number of alleged crime sites – information that had never before been made public – for the benefit of prospective civil party applicants. In response, Blunk and You Bunleng ordered Cayley last week to publish a retraction, accusing him of illegally disclosing portions of their confidential investigation. "The International Co-Prosecutor lacked legal basis for making the above mentioned information public, and he also violated the Rule of Confidentiality," the judges said in a press release on Wednesday. Cayley was notably not joined in his statement by Cambodian co-prosecutor Chea Leang, who opposes prosecutions beyond the upcoming Case 002. Smith said last week that Cayley and the investigating judges "obviously have a difference of opinion in terms of his justification" for issuing the statement. Asked how the prosecution would respond to an order to retract from the Pre-Trial Chamber, Smith said yesterday that his office would "wait till that comes", adding: "I think the main point is that we would always comply with the orders of the court."  | ||||
| Posted: 23 May 2011 01:23 AM PDT
Monday, 23 May 2011 Thomas Miller The Phnom Penh Post "Do we have a mandate to report everything to everyone?" - Phay Siphom Visiting European parliamentarian Cecilia Wikström hit out at the Cambodian government last week, stating that it was "totally" to blame for alleged land rights abuses surrounding the sugar industry. Cecilia Wikström, a Swedish member of the European Parliament, met last week with senior officials, opposition leaders, NGOs and local villagers affected by forced evictions in three provinces out of concern that European Union trade preferences under the "Everything but Arms" initiative were fuelling human rights abuses. "The sugar issue in this country is a 'blood sugar' story," Wikström said. She argued that it was "easy to conclude" from her visit that human rights provisions of the EBA initiative have been misused in Cambodia, after she met with villagers from Kampong Speu and Koh Kong provinces who said they had been forced off their land to make way for huge sugar plantations connected to ruling party senator Ly Yong Phat. While she said the sugar industry should take partial blame for the allegations, she said: "I blame totally and even more [than the industry] the authorities that are allowing this to happen. It is the authorities in this country ... that give concessions to the sugar companies, concessions for 99 years. This is incredible and has to be addressed. "So what we need to see is a thorough investigation on the compliance with human rights provisions set up in the EBA programme," she added. She cautioned, however, that she was on an unofficial visit, and any proposal to suspend trade preferences under EBA would "be a long process". "But one thing is for sure: The European Union has committed to specific moral standards and provisions concerning human rights, and when they are severely violated – as I have experienced in this country – we need to address it accordingly," Wikström said, adding that she would be willing to return as part of an official delegation. She also noted that the government had failed to follow-up on a promise to the EU delegation in Phnom Penh to investigate the allegations. Phay Siphan, spokesman for the Council of Ministers, defended the government's land concessions. "Do we have a mandate to report everything to everyone?" he said. "The majority of people living down there, they accept the solution [to disputes] from the private company," Phay Siphan said, adding that others should take their claims to the courts. "We [survived the] genocidal [Khmer Rouge] regime together… If you compare this time to the old time I think we do better," he said. Cambodia began benefiting from the EBA in 2001, but full liberalisation of trade preferences for sugar imports from low-income countries did not come into effect until October 2009, when a guaranteed minimum price for the commodity was also introduced – boosting the industry in Cambodia.  | ||||
| EU needs to take a firm stand on sugar Posted: 23 May 2011 01:18 AM PDT Monday, 23 May 2011 Steve Finch The Phnom Penh Post
JUNE 4, 2010 was supposed to represent a milestone for Cambodian exports. Taking advantage of zero tariffs in Europe under the Everything But Arms scheme, Thai company Khon Kaen Sugar (KSL) and its Cambodian partner Koh Kong Sugar Industry shipped 10,000 tonnes of sugar to the United Kingdom, the first in 40 years. But a system the European Union has designed to help least-developed countries enhance "their export earnings, promote their industrialisation and encourage the diversification of their economies" has instead had a negative overall impact in Cambodia's case. Not only has the development of Cambodia's sugar export industry led to serious human rights abuses, all evidence suggests it has proven hugely unprofitable for almost everyone involved – except for one man, CPP Senator Ly Yong Phat. Investigations by the likes of Bridges without Borders and EU officials themselves, among others, have led to identical conclusions – that people have lost their homes and their livelihoods following forced evictions by businesses owned by Ly Yong Phat, including Koh Kong Sugar Industry and Kampong Speu Sugar Company. After establishing plantations and a factory in Koh Kong Province with KSL, Ly Yong Phat's joint venture hired locals to cut sugar cane for 10,000 riels (US$2.44) per day, workers told The Post in December. So if a worker was cutting cane every day during a 31-day month they would earn just over $75 per month, or about the same as a garment worker. Except the sugar-cane cutting season only lasts a few months and garment workers usually get one day off per week. This might all make some sense if Khon Kaen Sugar was profiting from their Cambodian venture, but it is not. In the company's 2010 report, KSL said it hoped to breakeven on its Cambodia and Laos operations this year and reported increased losses from these operations for 2010. More worrying was the statement that operating results "will improve after the cane plantations areas expand". Meanwhile, although companies in Europe are benefitting from cheaper sugar supplies due to zero tariffs from LDC countries including Cambodia, is the PR fallout worth it? Tate and Lyle, for example, has been the subject of damaging allegations in relation to Cambodian sugar even though it sold its sugar business to American Sugar Refining in July last year. We will likely never know the extent to which Ly Yong Phat may have profited from this arrangement given the highly opaque nature of his businesses, but from farmers reported testimonies they were offered well below market value or in some cases nothing at all for land, we can assume the CPP senator has made money. If the EBA is to be a success, and Cambodia's government is to learn it has to address grave injustices associated with doing business here, then the EU must take a firm stand. If the government's reported investigation into this issue does not produce tangible results then the EU must take similar action as it did against Burma previously for grave forced labour abuses that resulted in the abolition of EBA privileges. Anything less would be an unprofitable embarrassment for almost everyone concerned.  | ||||
| Posted: 23 May 2011 12:24 AM PDT | ||||
| Vietnam [kafkaesque] Votes [-What happens in Vietnam will happen in Nambodia next] Posted: 22 May 2011 11:52 PM PDT
2011-05-22 Radio Free Asia Vietnam held parliamentary elections on Sunday, with voters interviewed shrugging off the exercise as a mere formality confirming the ruling Communist Party's power grip. Sixty million people cast ballots for 500 members of the lawmaking National Assembly, which has in the past served largely as a rubber stamp for the Communist Party's leadership but has begun to take on a more outspoken role. But voters expected few surprises from the election, in which voting is mandatory and 86 percent of the candidates are Communist Party members. A woman named Phuoc at a polling station in Ho Chi Minh City, formerly known as Saigon and Vietnam's largest city, said she went to vote because she had to. "It's not so crowded," she said. "We just follow as they instruct us to do, and then whoever wins, we will be informed of the winners." Ong Liem of Quang Tri province, on the north central Vietnam coast, said that because voting is mandatory, some people have officials help fill out ballots for them. "I live in a rural area. I saw many people go to the polling station…. Rural people are not so well educated, so when they go to the station, they ask the officials there to help them with the ballots," he said. "As citizens, we vote, according to the government's policy. Each citizen has their own opinion, but they cannot stay at home and not vote," he said. Carl Thayer, an expert on Vietnam in Australia, said that Vietnamese voters would not expect much from the candidates. "Vietnam's electoral process has been designed to prevent hot-button issues from being discussed by the candidates," he said. "Voters are not presented a choice of candidates who differ on how issues such as inflation and rising prices should be addressed," Agence France-Presse reported. Inflation in Vietnam is currently at its fastest pace in almost two and a half years and threatens to dampen growth. Nominations Voters will choose from among 827 candidates, all of whom have been vetted by the Fatherland Front, a powerful party umbrella organization. The Fatherland Front selected 98 percent of the candidates, while only 15 nominated themselves and then received approval to run from the organization. Nguyen Thi Lan, a would-be candidate for the People's Council in Hanoi who was not approved for the ballot, said she would not take part in the vote. "This election is only a formality. I myself am deprived of my rights because I was not approved, without just reason. Those who voted, voted with the direction of the Communist Party. Because of that, my family and I will not vote." "There is no right and there is no authority to deprive the people of their democratic rights. They have no right to suppress the people," she said. Said Phan Van Loi, a priest and activist involved with Bloc 8406, a coalition of political parties that advocate for democratic reforms: "This is a pseudo-election which will select the loyalists to the party. Most of the candidates are Communist Party members. Only a few are non-member candidates, but they too are carefully selected by the Communist Party. They obey easily what the Party decides." National Assembly Although the National Assembly is constitutionally the highest-ranking authority and officially selects the country's top ministers, in practice it has often served as a rubberstamp for the Communist Politburo's decisions. But experts say the National Assembly is becoming more assertive. Last year the assembly rejected a government-approved plan to build a high-speed train system and considered a no-confidence vote in the prime minister over the handling of the collapsed shipbuilding company Vinashin. This year, all 14 members of the Politburo, already selected by the Communist Party as its top leadership, are also standing for election to the National Assembly. This may be a "step toward greater legitimacy," Thayer said. "This will be a test of their popularity in their constituencies." The election results are expected in about a week. Reported by Thao Dao for RFA's Vietnamese Service. Translation by An Nguyen. Written in English by Rachel Vandenbrink.  | ||||
| Closing Order of Case 002 (Nuon Chea, Khieu Samphan, Ieng Sary, Ieng Thirith) Posted: 22 May 2011 11:42 PM PDT In preparation for the start of trial hearings beginning on 27 June 2011 of Case 002 against the surviving Khmer Rouge senior leaders Nuon Chea, Khieu Samphan, Ieng Sary and Ieng Thirith, KI Media is starting a new series in posting installations of the public document of the Closing Order of Case 002. The Closing Order of the Co-Investigating Judges forms the basic document from which all the parties (Co-Prosecutors, Co-Lead Lawyers for all civil parties, Defense Lawyers) will be making their arguments before the Trial Chamber judges (one Cambodian President, 2 Cambodian Judges, 2 UN judges). Up until now, the hearings involving these four surviving senior Khmer Rouge leaders have been in the Pre-Trial Chamber over issues of pre-trial detention and jurisdictional issues. Beginning in June 2011, the Trial Chamber will hear the substantive arguments over the criminal charges (e.g. genocide, crimes against humanity, penal code of 1956). . . . CLOSING ORDER of Co-Investigating Judges You Bunleng and Marcel Lemonde, 15 September 2010 We, You Bunleng and Marcel Lemonde, Co-Investigating Judges of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (the "ECCC"); Noting the Law on the Establishment of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, dated 27 October 2004 (the "ECCC Law"); Noting Rules 55, 66 and 67 of the ECCC Internal Rules (the "Internal Rules"); Noting the judicial investigation relating to charges of Crimes against humanity, Grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions dated 12 August 1949, Genocide, Murder, Torture and Religious persecution, offences defined and punishable under Articles 3, 4, 5, 6, 29 (new) and 39 (new) of the ECCC Law, and 209, 210, 500, 501, 503 to 508 of the 1956 Penal Code, against: - Nuon Chea, male, born on 7 July 1926, In detention (Provisional Detention Order dated 19 September 2007 (C9); Orders on Extension of Provisional Detention, dated 16 September 2008 (C9/3) and 15 September 2009 (C9/6); - Ieng Sary, male, born on 24 October 1925, In detention (Provisional Detention Order dated 14 November 2007 (C22); Orders on Extension of Provisional Detention, dated 10 November 2008 (C22/4) and 10 November 2009 (C22/8); - Ieng Thirith, female, born on 10 March 1932, In detention (Provisional Detention Order dated 14 November 2007 (C20); Orders on Extension of Provisional Detention, dated 10 November 2008 (C20/4) and 10 November 2009 (C20/8); - Khieu Samphan, male, born on 27 July 1931, In detention (Provisional Detention Order dated 19 November 2007 (C26); Orders on Extension of Provisional Detention, dated 18 November 2008 (C26/4) and 18 November 2009 (C26/8); Noting the Co-Prosecutors' Introductory Submission dated 18 July 2007 (D3); Noting the Separation Order dated 19 September 2007 (D18); Noting the Co-Prosecutors' Supplementary Submissions dated 26 March 2008 (D83); 13 August 2008 (D98/I); 30 April 2009 (D146/3); 31 July 2009 (D196); 5 November 2009 (D146/4); 26 November 2009 (D146/5) and the "Clarification of Allegations Regarding Five Security Centres and Execution Sites Described in the Introductory Submission", dated 11 September 2009 (D202); Noting the Notice of Conclusion of Judicial Investigation dated 14 January 2010 (D317); Noting the Forwarding Order dated 19 July 2010 (D385); Noting the Co-Prosecutors' Final Submission dated 16 August 2010 (D390); Noting Ieng Sary's Response to the Co-Prosecutors' Rule 66 Final Submission and Additional Observations dated 1st September 2010 (D390/1/2/1.3); Noting the Dismissal Order issued on 14 September 2010 in respect of KAING Guek Eav alias Duch (D420); Considering that the judicial investigation reveals the following facts: [ to be cont'd ]  | ||||
| Thailand, Cambodia plan border meeting before June Posted: 22 May 2011 11:35 PM PDT 23/05/2011 VNA/VOV News Thailand and Cambodia have agreed to hold the general border committee (GBC) meeting late this month in order to strengthen cooperation on ensuring security for people living along the border area. The spokesperson of the Thai Defence Ministry, Thanathip Saengsawang, has said that Defence Ministers of Thailand and Cambodia are expected to attend the meeting, which will take place earlier than the initial schedule of early June. However, the decision on the meeting venue has not yet been made. Earlier, Cambodian Defence Minister Tea Banh said that border dispute settlement between the two countries has seen progress after talks between him and his Thai counterpart, Prawit Wongsuwon on the sidelines of the 5th ASEAN Defence Ministers Meeting in Jakarta, Indonesia. As soon as the Indonesian survey team arrives at the border near Preah Vihear temple, Cambodia will hold the GBC meeting with Thailand bilaterally without Indonesian presence, Tea Banh said. The Thai side demanded Indonesia to issue an announcement about the dispatch of the survey team to the conflict border in proper time and suggested that the dress as civilians.  | ||||
| My Rights, My Responsibility (Constitution) Series Posted: 22 May 2011 11:30 PM PDT Cambodian Constitution (Sept. 1993) CHAPTER XII: THE CONSTITUTIONAL COUNCIL New Article 143- New (Previously Article 124): The King shall consult with the Constitutional Council on all proposals to amend the Constitution.  | ||||
| Another development is coming ... so are the next land-grabbing and forced eviction Posted: 22 May 2011 11:29 PM PDT
A megalomania project planned near Angkor Wat May 22, 2011 By Luc Citrinot, eTN Is a Las Vegas-style resort city really what the kingdom needs in terms of development? PHNOM PENH (eTN) - To the tourists, Cambodia is mostly known for being home to the fabled city of Angkor Wat with its myriad of beautiful temples. At some point over the next twenty years, Cambodia might become famous for Angkor Hills. The project is the brainchild of Oknha Soth Sambath, a Cambodian businessman. The affable man is said to be very close to the top of Cambodia's politics, which might explain the official endorsement of the government for his project. Just imagine a huge piece of land initially covering 361 hectares, located halfway between Thailand and Siem Reap where Angkor temples are located. The future integrated resort will be some 30 km away from the temples and 100 km from the Thai border at Popet/Sisophon. A highway is due to link both areas making the resort easily accessible for visitors. Imagine then dozens of modern buildings emulating the stupas, the chedis, the bas-reliefs, and the shapes from Angkor Wat built surrounded by paddy fields and some forests. This is Angkor Hills City, a gigantic modern resort built around widening crescents in the middle of nowhere. The project was officially launched in July 2010, and according to Mr. Soth Sambath, it has so far generated a huge interest from investors from China, Macau, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE. In fact, the development has been completed by Agostine & Raphael Group, an international development consulting firm based in Dubai. This is not a coincidence. Angkor Hills City wants to obviously match Dubai's megalomania. It will integrate in its final phase a giant convention center, residences, and condominiums; a dozen of deluxe hotels; a shopping mall; a golf course; a spa; and a meditation center; as well as private villas. Among the projects dreamed by its creators are the Buddha Hotel and Spa, a five-star property shaped like the Bayon Temples with its huge heads. The Heritage Hotel will emulate the old walled city surrounded by waterfalls and canals. It will look like a mix of Las Vegas and Disneyland, à la Cambodian. "We will first start with the convention center, as well as two or three hotels. But ultimately, this city will have up to 20,000 inhabitants and act as a tourism magnet for the entire region, including neighboring Thailand," explained Soth Sambath. Of course, Sambath Investments promise that the future development will strictly enforce environment codes. It would take 5 to 8 years to complete the entire project, according to Mr. Sambath, with first construction work starting before the end of the year. Such an investment will, of course, help to alleviate poverty and certainly bring economic benefits to an impoverished region. Is a Las Vegas-style resort city really what the kingdom needs in terms of development? Audacious will say some observers, irrelevant will say some others. In a country where the average GDP per capita stood at US$800 in 2009, Angkor Hills City is likely to draw a visible border between the rags and the riches.  | ||||
| Posted: 22 May 2011 11:28 PM PDT Non-cooperation with evil is a sacred duty. - Mahatma Gandhi  | ||||
| Posted: 22 May 2011 11:22 PM PDT Law on the Establishment of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia for the Prosecution of Crimes Committed During the Period of Democratic Kampuchea ("ECCC Law") with inclusion of amendments as promulgated on 27 October 2004 CHAPTER VI: CO-PROSECUTORS The Co-Prosecutors shall be appointed from among those individuals who are appointed in accordance with the existing procedures for selection of prosecutors who have high moral character and integrity and who are experienced in the conduct of investigations and prosecutions of criminal cases. The Co-Prosecutors shall be independent in the performance of their functions and shall not accept or seek instructions from any government or any other source.  | ||||
| Nobody is indispensable as the saying goes: A lesson for Hoon Xhen Posted: 22 May 2011 11:14 PM PDT
The GE 2011 Political Demise of Lee Kuan Yew: A Supreme Irony May 18th, 2011 Temasek Review Emeritus (Singapore) One of the greatest surprises of GE 2011 was the people's unequivocal rejection of the PAP style of government. But none could have imagined that the biggest casualty would be Lee Kuan Yew, one of the founders of the PAP, Singapore's first prime minister and subsequently, de facto Chief despite holding only an advisory role as Minister Mentor. Indeed, the nations' shock on 14 May, just a week after the election, at the resignation of MM from the cabinet (together with Mr Goh Chok Tong, Senior Minister) could only be described as seismic in the Singapore political landscape. It reflected the uniquely powerful position of the father of modern Singapore, presumably the only political leader in the world whose name was synonymous with the party he founded, whose name, in turn, was synonymous with the country it rules. The equation Lee Kuan Yew = PAP = Singapore had scrolled across the collective consciousness of the society for nearly half a century. He was once compared to the immense banyan tree in whose shade only puny little saplings could grow. He was once the mighty Colossus in whose shadow little people cowered. Was. Had scrolled. Once. Cowered. It gives one a feeling of surreality to write about Lee Kuan Yew's influence in the past tense. But that is exactly how it is going to be from now onwards, judging from the various public statements made by the prime minister, MM himself, Mr Goh and other PAP leaders, following the announcement of the resignation. Almost in one voice, they spoke about the need for the party to move on, to respond to the needs and aspirations of the people, so painfully made clear to them in GE 2011. The courteous, deferential tone called for by the occasion masked the urgency of the message: the prime minister must be free to act on his own without any interference from the overpowering MM who is also his father. Perhaps the announcement of MM's exit should not have been so unexpected, as it had been preceded by a clear harbinger. For midway through the campaigning, when the PAP had already sensed an impending loss of the Aljunied GRC whom earlier MM had offended with his 'live and repent' threat, PM had hurriedly called a press interview in which he gently, but firmly, dissociated himself from MM, and assured the people that he was the one in charge. The necessary follow-up action for this public repudiation had obviously been part of the promised post-election 'soul-searching', which must have concluded that indeed MM must go. Despite MM's assertion, in the joint statement with Mr Goh, that the resignation was voluntary, in order 'to give PM and his team the room to break from the past,' doubts about his willingness will be around for a while. For right through the election campaigning he was in upbeat mood, declaring his fitness at age 87, his readiness to serve the people for another 5 years, and roundly scolding the younger generation for forgetting where they came from. Moreover, he had, amidst the gloom of the PAP campaign, confidently stated that the loss of the one Aljunied GRC would be no big deal, and contended, a day after the election, that his blunt, controversial remarks about the Malay-Muslim community, had not really affected the votes. In short, he was expecting to stay on, his accustomed ways of dealing with people, unchanged. And then came the shock announcement of his resignation from the cabinet, and an uncharacteristic affirmation of the need for change. That Lee Kuan Yew was prepared to do a drastic about-turn, so at odds with a lifetime's habit of acting on his convictions, must have been due to one of two causes—either he had been driven into a corner and simply had no choice, or he had a genuine commitment to the well-being of the society, that was above self-interest. In either case, the decision to go into the obscurity of virtual retirement after decades of high political visibility both at home and abroad, must have been most wrenching. The extent of the personal sacrifice can be gauged by the single fact that politics was his one overriding, exclusive passion upon which he had brought to bear all his special resources of intellect, temperament and personality. He had made himself the ultimate conviction politician with an unrelentingly logical and rationalistic approach to dealing with problems, dismissing all that stood in its way, especially sentiment and emotion. He had developed a purely quantitative paradigm where the only things that mattered were those that were measurable, calculable, easily reduced to digits and hardware, whether they had to do with getting Singaporeans to have fewer or more babies, getting people to keep the streets litter-free, getting children in school to learn the mother tongue. It prescribed a mode of governance that relied heavily on the use of the stick. The supreme irony of Lee Kuan Yew's political demise was that the paradigm which had resulted in his most spectacular achievements as a leader taking his tiny resource-scarce country into the ranks of the world's most successful economies, was the very one that caused his downfall. The related irony of course was that a man of admirable sharpness of mind, keenness of foresight and strength of purpose had failed to understand, until it was too late, the irrelevance of this paradigm to a new generation of better-educated, more exposed and sophisticated Singaporeans. There is no simple explanation for such a paradoxical disconnect between a man's massive intellectual powers on the one hand and his poor understanding of reality, on the other (complacency perhaps? political blindsight? political sclerosis?) A detailed analysis of the irony, substantiated with examples over more than four decades of Lee Kuan Yew's leadership of Singapore will be instructive for understanding this unique personage. Even a cursory review of the history of Singapore will show that it was Lee's actions, driven by the passion of his convictions, that had saved the nation, at various stages in its struggle for survival in a volatile, unpredictable, often unfriendly world. With his characteristic strongman's ruthlessness, he cleaned up the mess caused by Communists, communalists, unruly trade unionists, defiant students and secret society gangsters plaguing the young Singapore. Within a generation, he had created an environment where Singaporeans could live safely, earn a living, live in government-subsidised flats with modern sanitation. Ever conscious of Singapore's vulnerability, he was ever on the alert to smack down its enemies and, even more importantly, to seize opportunities to raise its standard of living. A special achievement showing Lee Kuan Yew's foresight, boldness and determination in his espousal of the economic imperative deserves more detailed treatment. In the 60s, he foresaw the dominant role of the English language for international trade, business, scientific technology and research, and made an all-out effort to promote the language in the schools, as well as make it the language of public administration. This meant in effect distancing Singapore from the other newly independent nations such as India, Malaysia and some African nations which, in their nationalistic fervour, were kicking out the English language together with the British flag. Even when Singapore joined Malaysia and Malay became the official language, Lee Kuan Yew quietly continued the promotion of English, so that after separation in 1965, it re-emerged, as strong as ever. The result was the creation of an English-speaking environment that was very conducive to international business, attracting huge corporations such as Shell and Esso. Through the decades that followed, the economic success of his policies was replicated, to put Singapore on a rising trajectory of stunning development. Singapore's remarkable development under Lee Kuan Yew, using the hard indicators of home ownership, level of education, degree of technological advancement, extent of foreign investments, etc, has seen few parallels, making it a poster child for economic progress in the developing world. Consistently ranked among the top three in international surveys on best-performing airports, sea-ports, world's most livable cities, best infrastructure, etc, Singapore receives the most enthusiastic accolades from foreign visitors instantly impressed by the cleanliness, orderliness and gleaming appearance of the city state. How could such a brilliant paradigm, a model of classic realpolitik, be the cause of the GE 2011 political demise of Lee Kuan Yew? The answer: mainly because it had no place for human values. It was a model of governance where, if there had ever been a conflict of Head vs Heart, IQ vs EQ, Hardware vs Heartware, it had been resolved long ago in the defeat of presumably worthless human emotions. Once I was giving a talk to a group of British businessmen, on my favourite subject of civic liberties – or lack of them – in Singapore. During question and answer time, one of the businessmen raised his hand and said politely, 'I have a question or rather, a suggestion. Could we please have your Lee Kuan Yew, and we'll give you our Tony Blair, with Cherie Blair thrown in?' Amidst laughter, I said, 'Our Mr Lee won't like your noisy, messy, rambunctious democracy,' and he replied, 'No matter,' and went on to pay MM the ultimate compliment. He said, 'You know, if there were but five Lee Kuan Yews scattered throughout Africa, the continent wouldn't be in such a direful state today!' This light-hearted little anecdote is meant to provide a probable reason, though in a rather circuitous manner, for MM's ironic downfall: the material prosperity that he had given Singapore, which many world leaders could never match, was no longer enough compensation to Singaporeans for the soullessness that was beginning to show in the society . For the fear that his strongman approach had instilled in them for so long, denying them the fundamental democratic liberties of open debate, public criticism and an independent media, that are taken for granted in practising democracies, had made them mere cogs in the machinery of a vast capitalist enterprise. There are enough examples, going back to the early years of Lee Kuan Yew's rule, of draconian measures of control, that had created this fear and its inevitable product, resentment. The most egregious instances include the higher accouchement hospital fees for a woman having a third child in defiance of the 'stop at two' population control measures, and the sterilisation policy, which had a particularly vile moral odour , for it required the woman wanting to get her child into the school of her choice, to produce a sterilisation certificate. Years later when the demographic trend reversed, and more births were necessary to form the necessary future pool of expertise for the country's industrial needs, the PAP government started a matchmaking unit , called The Social Development Unit, to enable single Singaporeans to meet, fall in love, get married and produce children. It singled out graduate women for favoured treatment, because Lee Kuan Yew believed that only highly educated mothers produced the quality offspring he wanted for the society, alienating many with the noxious eugenics. By the 70s and into the 80s, Singaporeans were already waking up to the hard truth of the high human cost, in terms of the need for self-respect, identity and dignity, that they were paying for the material prosperity, and worrying about the creation of a society in complete and fearful subjugation to the powerful PAP government. Over the years, it became increasingly clear that the leaders, flushed with success and confidence, and following Lee Kuan Yew's example, were developing an arrogant, highhanded, peremptory style that had zero tolerance for political dissidents, publicly castigating them or, worse, incarcerating them for years, bankrupting them through defamation suits or forcing them to flee into exile. Lee Kuan Yew had consistently maintained that the fact that the PAP was regularly and convincingly returned to power at each election over forty years meant that the people acknowledged the government was doing the right thing. By the time of GE 2011, it would appear that the PAP leaders had reached the peak of hubris, making decisions with little regard for the people's needs and sensitivities—increasing ministerial salaries, bringing in world-class casinos to attract tourists, engaging in blatant gerrymandering prior to elections. Then there were the policies that had created special hardships for the struggling wage earner, such as the increasing cost of living, the unaffordability of housing, the competition for jobs with a large number of foreign workers who, moreover, caused overcrowding in public transport. The decision that had created most resentment was the one which enabled the PAP ministers to pay themselves incredibly high salaries, Lee Kuan Yew's argument being that this was the only way to get quality people into government. (Resentful Singaporeans invariably point out that the Prime Minister of tiny Singapore gets about five times the salary of the most powerful man in the world, the President of the United States) Priding themselves on their intelligence, competence and efficiency, the PAP leadership nevertheless made huge losses on investments with public money, and glossed over the scandalous prison escape of a top terrorist, made possible by an unbelievably lax security system. In the eyes of the people, they had lost the moral authority to govern. That the people's anger broke out only in GE 2011 and not earlier was due to a confluence of forces, interacting with and reinforcing each other, to provide the most unexpected momentum and impact. These included the rise of a younger, more articulate electorate, the power of the Internet and the social media, which allowed free discussion on usually censored topics, and perhaps, most significantly, the emergence of a newly strengthened opposition who were able to present candidates matching the best in the PAP team. Or it was a simple case of the people waking up one morning and saying, 'Enough is enough.' The PAP were caught off guard. While they were prepared to make conciliatory gestures and promises to stem the rising hostility during the election campaign, Lee Kuan Yew stood firm on his convictions till the very end, clearly preferring to resign rather than to say 'Sorry'. That word had never been in his vocabulary. When he had to apologise to the Malay-Muslim community for disparaging remarks made months earlier, clearly because of some pressure from his PAP colleagues alarmed by the community's rising anger, he could only manage a terse 'I stand corrected.' He is likely to carry this stance to his grave, believing till the end in his own misfortune of having an ungrateful people incapable of understanding him and appreciating all that he had done for them. Outwardly chastened but inwardly disillusioned, he must be particularly disappointed with his own PAP colleagues, for their failure to share his passionate belief that his was the right and proven way to achieve the well-being of the society. It is not so much megalomania as the sheer inflexibility that convictions sometimes harden into, something that will probably continue to give him a completely different interpretation of the devastation of GE 2011. This kind of intransigence, for all its reprehensibility, can, rather oddly, have a commendable side. Years ago, on an official visit to Australia and taken on a sightseeing tour, he suddenly fell into a mood of somber introspection, turned to his Australian host and said, 'Your country will be around in 100 years, but I'm not sure of mine.' The same absolutism that had produced the unshakeable sense of his infallibility, had also produced an unqualified purity, selflessness and strength of his dedication to the well-being of Singapore, well beyond his earthly life, investing it with the touching anxiety of a caring parent. When he made the famous pronouncement that even when lying inside his coffin , he would rise to meet any threat to Singapore's security, he meant every word of it. In political limbo now, will he ever feel that need? I can think of three possible events, when he will experience that Coffin Moment, each posing a threat to what seems to be his greatest concerns for Singapore: 1) when the strong ties between the government and the unions that he had assiduously helped to build for nearly fifty years, are in danger of being broken 2) when the nation's vast reserves, protected by a law he had carefully devised to allow only the president of Singapore to unlock, are about to be foolishly squandered 3) when the PAP leadership is in danger of being dominated by those same young Singaporeans whom he had regularly chastised for being selfish, thoughtless and heedless and for whom he had specially written his last book on hard truths about Singapore's future. In the event of a threat to any of these concerns, his old passion is likely to be fired up once more to make him come out of the coffin to do battle. Lee Kuan Yew's legacy is so mixed that even his greatest detractor must acknowledge his very substantial achievements for Singapore, and even his greatest admirer must admit that along the way, alas, he lost touch with the ground. He puts one in mind of the great hero of epic tragedy, who is caught in a maelstrom of forces beyond his control, that destroy him in the end by working, ironically, upon a single tragic flaw in his character. Alone and lost, unbowed and defiant, he still cuts an impressive figure, still able to tell the world, 'I am me.' Catherine Lim * Catherine Lim is a long time political commentator in Singapore. She blogs at http://catherinelim.sg.  | ||||
| Royal favoristism or royal connivance with the CPP? Posted: 22 May 2011 11:00 PM PDT
Who is Say Chhum? Say Chhum is a member of the CPP Permanent Central Committee Who is Ke Chanmony? She is the CPP MP from Kampong Chhnang What to think of Cambodia's royal family?  "La raison du plus fort est toujours la meilleure" (sic!) Might is always right (sic!)  | ||||
| 113 Cambodian Muslims Arrested At Checkpoint Posted: 22 May 2011 10:20 PM PDT BANGKOK, May 23 (Bernama) -- Thai authorities has arrested 113 Cambodian Muslims at the entrance of the Rong Klua market checkpoint as they were heading for southern border provinces of Thailand and might pose security risks, according to Thai News Agency. The Cambodians including children carried luggage and valid passports, and claimed that they are on their way to visit their relatives in border areas of Malaysia, the authorities said. The joint operation by paramilitary rangers of the Burapha Task Force, immigration police of Sa Kaeo province and local police of the Khlong Luek station, also seized medicines, monosodium glutamate, backpacks and camping tents. Authorities suspected that the stuffs could be provisions for insurgents in southern Thailand. The arrested Cambodians were allowed to continue with their journey, after police gathered their personal data and photographs. There has been the report in Poipet town of Banteay Meanchey province of Cambodia that a number of Muslim people were gathering in Malaysia and part of the people traveled through Thailand to Malaysia to join the gathering.  | ||||
| SRP MP Mu Sochua and EU MP Cecilia Wikstrom visit Koh Kong Posted: 22 May 2011 09:57 PM PDT http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NncEZQu_FGo&feature=player_embedded  | ||||
| MP Son Chhay met US political officer Daniel Chu Posted: 22 May 2011 09:54 PM PDT
At the meeting Son Chhay and Officer Daniel Chu discussed the current political situation in Cambodia and the implementation of US support for Cambodia in the area of improving the Election Process, the Free Media and Strengthening the opposition party. SRP Cabinet  | ||||
| Victim family of land-grabbing in Pailin Posted: 22 May 2011 09:48 PM PDT  On May 20 at Kandeangva village of Sala Krao district, Pailin, SRP MPs together with provincial councilor Ms. Ven Ra (first from left) visited the family (one among five hundred families ) who is victim of land-grabbing. Yesterday the company together with more than 20 armed soldiers and machinery tried to clear the land belonging to the villagers but with the support of SRP provincial councilor Ms. Ven Ra and SRP commune council members, the villagers have successfully forced the intruders to leave the area. Son Chhay  | ||||
| Serena Chuop isn't running anymore Posted: 22 May 2011 09:38 PM PDT May 22, 2011 By Marie Donovan , Sun Correspondent Lowell Sun (Massachusetts) LOWELL -- Serena Chuop probably spent a lot more time running in the woods when she was a kid than you did. But it was no game. Chuop, who recently opened a new dentistry practice at the Gateway Center II, estimates she was on the run from the Khmer Rouge in her native Cambodia with her mother, Yvonne Cheng, for about four years. They eventually reached Thailand, where they managed to get a sponsor allowing them to emigrate to the United States. "I came to the U.S. in 1981," said Chuop, who spent 10 years in California with her mother before moving to Lowell. A 1992 graduate of Lowell High School, where she served as president of the Cambodian Association and graduated seventh in her class, Chuop went on to earn bachelor's and medical degrees, and complete a post-doctoral residency in general dentistry from Boston University. At the same time, she worked two jobs to pay for her education. Gateway Family Dental, her new practice, provides all general dentistry services and features digital X-rays and a paperless patient chart system. The practice offers a 10 percent discount for people without dental insurance and free consultations for new patients. "With the digital-chart system, you can receive your patient data via email so there's less clutter," said Chuop, who has two dental assistants who can print out any document a patient requests. Before opening Gateway Family Dental, Chuop worked part time at Marlboro Dentistry Associates. She and her husband, Sein Siao, an instructor at BU's dental school, have 2- and 5-year-old boys at home. Now that her boys are a little older, she felt it was an ideal time to open up her own practice in her adopted hometown. "I always wanted to come back here to the community. I have very good friends here," said Chuop, whose mother, Cheng, still lives with her and has worked as a health counselor in Lowell for the past two decades. Working two jobs to put herself through dental school was nothing for Chuop compared to her harrowing ordeal in Cambodia's jungle. "We started running during the war in 1975. I was 2 years old," said Chuop. Her father, an engineer, couldn't join them because he had already been killed. "They had a list of people who were executed," Chuop said. The Khmer Rouge set about trying to locate everyone on that list, considering them obstacles to the communist "utopia" that its leader, Pol Pot, wanted to create. If your name, or even the name of your parents were on that list, your best bet for survival was to get out of the country. On foot. "In order to get out, you had to actually run. If you didn't, they would execute you," Chuop said. Some educated people tried to pose as peasant farmers, but it didn't always work. "My aunt -- she couldn't fool them. I was present when they took her and my 7-year-old cousin, Stefan," Chuop said. Both were executed. The first time Chuop and her mother went on the run, they were captured. "We were captured for a few years. It was kind of like a concentration camp and we were on a list to eventually be executed," she said. Because her mother was a midwife, though, they were temporarily spared. Chuop's mother helped deliver babies for Khmer Rouge army officers' wives. "Back in our country as a midwife, you're really beloved," Chuop said. "The reason my mother and I made it was the nature of my mother's profession. They needed her; my mother delivered every single one of their babies." One day, though, a Khmer Rouge officer's wife slipped Cheng a note warning her that a mass execution was scheduled for the next day, and she and Chuop were among those to be targeted. "We took off in the night with some other people. I just recall running through the jungle, water up to my head and my mother had to carry me. Some people made it and some didn't," said Chuop, who was 6. Fortunately, Chuop and her mother were among those who made it across the Thailand border. Chuop returned to Cambodia for the first time about five years ago for a visit. "It was nice," she said. "There's a lot of poverty there, a lot of hungry people there, though. It's kind of sad, you just want to help everybody out. We're so lucky here."  | ||||
| Sacrava's Political Cartoon: Case 003 Posted: 22 May 2011 09:35 PM PDT
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