KI Media: “Sacrava's Political Cartoon: Dick-Tator” plus 24 more

KI Media: “Sacrava's Political Cartoon: Dick-Tator” plus 24 more

Sacrava's Political Cartoon: Dick-Tator

Posted: 09 Sep 2011 04:45 PM PDT

Lenient Treatment of Tribunal Suspects is Upsetting for Some

Posted: 09 Sep 2011 04:35 PM PDT

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Z0EqNqGQjgA

Top Healthcare of Tribunal Suspects Upsetting for Some

Posted: 09 Sep 2011 04:34 PM PDT

Khmer Rouge prison survivor Vann Nath died earlier this week in a quiet Phnom Penh clinic. (Photo: Vandy Rattana)

Friday, 09 September 2011
Say Mony & Kong Sothanarith, VOA Khmer | Phnom Penh
"No person, nor the court, could help us. It was unjust for him."
When Khmer Rouge prison survivor Vann Nath died earlier this week in a quiet Phnom Penh clinic, family members had been scrambling for cash to pay for his treatment.

Staff at the Khmer Rouge tribunal pooled $500 to offset costs, as Vann Nath lay in a coma after a heart attack Aug. 26. Friends scrambled to collect money online. He died on Monday.

Meanwhile, the former Khmer Rouge leaders accused of widespread atrocity crimes and responsibility for the deaths of 1.7 million people are getting free health care with good doctors under the UN-backed tribunal. Vann Nath's family members and other regime victims did not fail to notice.

"There should have been a doctor who did not charge him," Vann Nath's widow, Kith Eng, said this week. "But we had to find money to pay by ourselves instead. No person, nor the court, could help us. It was unjust for him."


Vann Nath had supported himself after the fall of the regime with sales of his paintings, which depicted scenes he witnessed at Tuol Sleng prison, including the water-boarding and other torture of prisoners.

Chhum Mey, who with Vann Nath was one of seven known survivors of the prison, said detained leaders of the Khmer Rouge received "international" health services. "But for me, no," he said. "They have full-time doctors, and that's not the same as the victims."

He urged the court to speed its work, as it prepares for a trial next year of suspects Nuon Chea, Khieu Samphan, Ieng Sary and Ieng Thirith and as it decides on the final sentencing for Duch, who ran Tuol Sleng and was originally given a commuted sentence of 19 years.

"They are old," Chhum Mey said. "I myself am 80 years old. How much longer will I live? We will not see the light of justice, just as Vann Nath didn't, if court delays continue."

The internal rules of the tribunal call for continued health care for suspects and has a similar provision for those who are accepted as legal victims of the regime, said Chhum Sophea, an officer with the court's victims unit.

However, it is unclear how many use this, and there are many who consider themselves victims of the regime who do not receive such care.

"Certain victims don't even have small change to get care for the simplest health problems," said Chhang Youk, director of the Documentation Center of Cambodia, which researches Khmer Rouge atrocities. "Day by day, victims disappear without having justice."

Journalists Fear Media Environment of Self-Censorship

Posted: 09 Sep 2011 04:34 PM PDT

Mean Chhean Narith, director of the Cambodia Institute for Media Studies, on "Hello VOA" Thursday. (Photo: by Heng Reaksmey)

Friday, 09 September 2011
Men Kimseng, VOA Khmer | Washington, DC

"Whatever the threats against me, as a journalist, I have a responsibility to bring the truth to the public."

Journalists in Cambodia are currently facing problems of self-censorship, lawsuits and a competitive market, media experts said Thursday, but they said news organizations must continue to hold to principles of professional and a duty to the public.

The trend in oppression of Cambodian journalists have shifted from street attacks, threats of violence and murder to one of punitive legal measures by powerful interests, Mean Chhean Narith, director of the Cambodia Institute for Media Studies, told "Hello VOA."

In recent years, journalists have had to face a number of lawsuits or jail terms, especially under a criminalized defamation law.

This has created an environment where journalists self censor by avoiding issues like corruption and human rights abuses, he said. The best counter measure, he said, is accurate reporting in the public's interest.


"Journalists are not afraid once they get the facts correct," he said.

The self-censorship by journalists comes at a time where the Internet and multi-media options have created a competitive market, he said, and he urged traditional media—newspapers, radio and TV—to pay better attention to the needs of the public.

"If they continue to broadcast unqualified news, or news of low professionalism, the public will withdraw their confidence in them," he said.

Meanwhile, VOA Khmer is currently facing contempt-of-court charges by the UN-backed Khmer Rouge tribunal, for its reporting of confidential court documents on cases 003 and 004. Rights groups and court monitors have said they fear the two cases are not being fully pursued by the court due to political pressure from Prime Minister Hun Sen's government, which opposes their going forward.

However, Mean Chhean Narith said the "obligation" of journalists "is different from the courts, police or human rights activists."

"Our job is to tell the truth to the public," he said, adding, "We don't see any [personal] gain in providing the news."

VOA Khmer reporter Sok Khemara, whose reporting in Cambodia last month is at the center of the contempt charges, told "Hello VOA" Thursday that he had received a number of threats and acts of intimidation in his 20-year career as a reporter.

This has included threats from government officials who demanded he give up confidential sources or stop reporting a subject altogether, he said.

"Whatever the threats against me, as a journalist, I have a responsibility to bring the truth to the public," he said. "We don't work for ourselves, but rather the public."

In July and August, Sok Khemara traveled to remote Cambodian villages to interview three suspects in cases 003 and 004, reporting that he said contributed to better informing both victims and suspects on the work of the tribunal.

His reporting included citation of a November 2008 prosecutor's submission that had been publicized in the international media earlier in the year.

However, the office of the investigating judges say VOA Khmer violated the confidentiality rules of the court and began contempt proceedings.

Mean Chhean Narith said he worried that a contempt charge against an international news agency like the Voice of America, which is funded by the US government, would cause local journalists to curtail their reporting on the court.

"This makes local journalists think on whether they dare publish that news or not," he said. "That makes us all lose."

In Lowell, the Memory of Terror and Its lessons

Posted: 09 Sep 2011 04:21 PM PDT

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Efkm-gVoi-o

Ta An says that "NO ONE" from the KRT contacted him: Siegfried Blunk and You Bunleng are lying about investigating Case 004?

Posted: 09 Sep 2011 04:13 PM PDT

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YwMCvkR7yUg

(Photo: Courtesy of DC-Cam)
Suspect Says 'No One' From Tribunal Has Contacted Him

Friday, 09 September 2011
Sok Khemara, VOA Khmer | Battambang province, Cambodia


Editor's note: Ta An is among three former Khmer Rouge cadre cited by prosecution at the UN-backed Khmer Rouge tribunal as suspects in Case 004. That case is currently with the office of the investigating judges, who must determine whether he and two others should be indicted. In an introductory submission to the court in November 2008, the UN prosecutor alleged Ta An's involvement in purges of the Central Zone, where he had risen to deputy secretary, along with other atrocity crimes. He spoke to VOA Khmer in an interview at his wooden home in Battambang province's Kamreang district, where he lives with his second wife and teenage daughter, growing corn, soybeans and bananas.

A few months ago, court documents were made public showing that you are a suspect of the tribunal. You have been implicated by the prosecution in the deaths of many people in Kampong Cham province. Do you have any comment on those allegations?

I don't. I'd like to tell you that in Kampong Cham, I wasn't involved in anything. For me, personally, when they sent me to Kampong Cham, there was chaos everywhere. When they sent me there, Kampong Cham didn't have anybody in charge from the village level to the commune and the district. They removed everybody, and they cleaned everything up. I went to set up everything anew. I wasn't involved in anything. I'm telling you the truth.

The prosecutor's office says it wants to bring five more people to trial. On its list, your name is there. Do you have any objection to seeing your name on the prosecution's list?

I don't. I don't have the right to complain. Like I said, I didn't have any involvement in the killing. When I got there, there was nothing left, from the bottom to the top. There was only [Central Zone Secretary] Ke Pauk remaining. I began to set up new villages, new communes. How could I have been involved in anything? No.

When you went to Kampong Cham, there was already chaos? And there were people dying around that time?

Yes. They had already cleaned up, and I got there after the fact. It was already done, and I set up afterwards. There was only Ke Pauk left. I was not involved in any killing in villages, communes, districts and regions—and that's what I object to. I had no involvement. Up to '77, '78, '79, everything was gone. There was nothing left.

What role did Ke Pauk have at the time that it was only he who remained?

Regional secretary.

That means he centralized everything there?

Yes.

Then the charges that you were involved in the security apparatus were a misunderstanding on the part of the court? Why do you think there are allegations against you from the tribunal?

For that, I presume it was their misunderstanding, because I didn't commit any crimes.

That means people were dead before or—

They removed them. The disorder had been removed completely. I don't know where they were moved to. When I got there, they were gone. Only Ke Pauk remained, and I don't know what Ke Pauk was in charge of at the time. I only know he was a regional committee chief. Of that regional committee, he was the only one left. I went not knowing about anything.

When I saw there was nothing left, I started to set up from the village level to that of the district. After the reorganization was finished, everything was back to normal. So nothing happened. There was no more killing. People started to work on irrigation dikes, canals and rice fields. When, in '77, '78, '79, the government [faction] attacked, we fled to safety. I was there for not quite two years. Therefore I was not involved in anything. I don't know what I was charged for. These are my facts.

There has already been an announcement that the prosecution wants to bring in five more people. Has anyone from the court contacted you or approached you with any inquiries?

No. No one.

During the struggle, why did you join the Khmer Rouge?

I want to tell you this: by tradition, I respect the king. It has been like this for generations, since my grandfather. And on March 18, 1970, His Excellency Lon Nol mounted a coup to overthrow the prince [Norodom Sihanouk]. Then there were big demonstrations everywhere, as the prince announced that all his children and grandchildren must flee to the border jungles to the resistance. This was the reason why, when the prince announced that he was head of a national united front, everyone joined the struggle.

So you must look at me. Look at the color of my skin. Do you think I have the ability to come up with such initiatives? No, I don't. It doesn't match with the leading of a struggle. And when in the end we achieved victory in 1975, we were all surprised. We raised the communist flag, and we were all surprised. But all in all, this was the unification of Cambodia under the front flag that had all along Prince Sihanouk as its leader. This is only my personal account.

How old were you when you joined the fighting? Why would you make such a sacrifice for Prince Sihanouk?

It was to protect the monarch. When the country had a monarch, and when His Excellency Lon Nol staged a coup, we as the people and [Sihanouk's] grandchildren had to fight to put him back in power.

If the court brings more people to trial, are you afraid, or are you prepared to defend your case?

I don't have any fear whatsoever. Because of what I just told you about the monarch. Obviously, I didn't carry out any executions. Having said that, I'd like to add that during the fighting, from 1970, I carried a weapon. In fighting, you don't know who will die and who will live, but after our victory, I didn't commit any crimes, and that's why I say I have no fear. But a [court] that seeks justice must provide justice. When you bring people to trial, you must provide justice. If I didn't commit any crime, why bring me to trial?

Things only happened during His Excellency Lon Nol's era. People shot at me; I shot at them. We fought each other to the death for the claim of Prince Sihanouk. After our victory, I didn't carry out any killings. I only built dikes. And if building dikes is considered a violent act, I don't know what to do. Is building dikes a fascist act? You tell me. We had a lot of dikes. In Kampot province, we built dikes at Prim Lich, Koh Sla, Sdok, Chhouk, Toan Hoann, Kbal Lmeas. Toan Haonn dike is located in Kampong Trach district, near Vinh Te canal on the Vietnamese border. I helped build dikes in many districts, such as Koh Sla, Prek Khnong, Touk Meas and Kampong Trach.

When the court summoned five former senior Khmer Rouge leaders—Nuon Chea, Ieng Sary, Khieu Samphan, Ieng Thirith and Duch—to trial, what were your views at the time? Were you concerned that other leaders like yourself would one day be tried?

I have no fear, as I told you.

But it is rather difficult to believe, with well-known leaders such as yourself and others working in an area where a lot of people were killed, that these leaders can deny involvement.

I don't know who knows me [as well known]. But I've told you the facts. Most importantly, I saved many lives.

How?

Up to '79, when the government attacked, I hid representatives that were sent. I hid them at the dike construction site, provided them three meals a day, and in the evening gave them palm sugar. When the government attacked, I ran to stay with the working groups for three days. Nobody did or said anything [to me]. Then I said, "Nephews, go home, go to Prey Veng," people left, as well as people in other provinces, and I escaped too.

This is what I call a rescue. There was saving. But killing, executing, I don't understand. When the region made arrests and sent the forces [people] to me, they were sent to be destroyed. They asked me, Ke Pauk asked me, "Where are the forces?" "Cleaned," I told him, but they were on the farm. What should I have done more than that? What can I say, if I tried to hide people like that? So I am not frightened, not frightened at all. I do not remember their names, there were so many people.

In Kampong Cham, there were about 150,000 people killed, and in O Trau Kuon temple in Kang Meas district, there were more than 32,000 people killed. Do you know anything about that?

Where, O Trau Kuon?

Yes. The tribunal prosecutors said you were responsible for the O Trau Kuon temple area in Kang Meas district at the time.

No. I never knew anything about that. I don't know where O Trau Kuon is located, and I don't know who did the killing there. Perhaps people before me, I don't know. I was there in '77, so before that, I don't know. But if it was in '77, I don't know who carried out the killings in O Takean or O Trau Kuon. There were no killings.

On another topic, I tell you honestly about when Ke Pauk was the chief. For the clean up operations, they asked this question: "How do we solve the April 17 people?" I said, "What do you mean, 'How do we solve them?' What did they do to us? What violations, what conspiracy did they commit?" Then they said, "If you don't do it, we have the regional troops to do it." And I said, "If the regional troops do it, then I'll go home." I simply said it like that. I said, "If I don't do it, if I say I can't be responsible, why should I stay? I'll just go home." This is the reason why I am not afraid.

After all this, if the court wants to put me on trial, well, go ahead. At present, I am not fearful of the court, and in the future, when I die, I won't be afraid of Yama [Buddhist god of the dead]. Not fearful. I am now doing good deeds. I practice religious art. I did not commit killings. But am I afraid of Yama? I am not afraid.

Under the Khmer Rouge, there were so many people killed—almost 2 million people all over the country. What were the reasons?

I don't know. It's too deep for me to understand. It's beyond my capacity, and I don't know why.

What part of Kang Meas did you control?

I was in Prey Totoeung, and the people there loved me considerably. I was very surprised that when I went someplace, they all came to me. There was a time when they took down the house structures that belonged to the people and brought the pieces to be piled up at Prey Totoeung, to rebuild houses for the leaders. At the time, I even called a meeting to ask people to come take the columns back and build their own houses.

Talking about love, when I went to Kang Meas and to Kampong Siem, I brought palm sugar along. When they saw me, they yelled, "Sugar is here!" And when I came back from that direction, I brought tobacco in big bundles and distributed it at the dike construction sites, and people said, "We have tobacco." No one ever said anything bad. So I'm surprised by the accusations.

But where did the orders to the lower levels to execute or kill someone come from?

No, there were never orders.

Does that mean that there were so many people killed that lower-level cadre did the killing at their own will? Or was there some behind-the-scene problem?

I said there were no orders, but there were instructions. Instructions were given when there were acts or activities against an issue. If there was no opposition, then even those designated the April 17 people would not have been killed. This is a fact. That's why I don't understand.

Would you be afraid if the court issues a warrant for you to appear?

No, I'm not afraid.

Would you go? Would you confront the court? Are you prepared to face the court?

Let's talk about wants. No, I don't want to, because I have a job to do to make a living. Do I want to go to the court? No, I don't. Unlike Mr. Khieu Samphan, who said he wants to make an explanation to the court, I don't want to. Firstly, does the court have a place of worship? Does the court have a place for me to say my prayers? I think it does not, so why would I want to go there? I don't want to go, but I'm not afraid to go.

If they came to arrest five suspects—namely you, Meas Muth, Suo Met, Im Chaem and Ta Tith—what impact would this have on society as a whole or in your life?

It will affect my life for sure. Regarding society, I don't know how to answer. I don't know how this will have an affect on the national societal level, but it will affect my family life very much.

In what way?

Naturally, it will affect the way my family feels. As poor as we are, how will we solve this problem? Perhaps we'll have to sell our land, because we have no more money. It will affect the children's education and our daily life. That's why I said I don't want to go, but I am not afraid to go. I don't want to go explain my case, but I am not afraid to go, because I did not carry out any killings, and the fighting was not of my own initiative—for which I lack the mental and physical ability.

I want to add another comment, because I've heard Prince Sihanouk explain that he was imprisoned during Pol Pot's rule. So let's consider Prince Sihanouk's status and look at my own. What do you think?

PM, Thaksin in Cambodia next week [-Thaksin works for Yingluck's administration after all?]

Posted: 09 Sep 2011 03:57 PM PDT

Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra greets Cambodian ambassador to Thailand You Ay at Government House yesterday. You Ay was part of an Asean ambassadorial group that met Ms Yingluck for talks. CHANAT KATANYU
(Photo: Reuters)

10/09/2011
Aekarach Sattaburuth
Bangkok Post

Former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra will arrive in Phnom Penh next week to talk to the Cambodian government - a day after his sister, Yingluck, is due to arrive on an official visit.

Ms Yingluck is expected on a one-day visit on Thursday, as she makes the rounds of neighbouring Association of Southeast Asian countries in her first foray overseas since becoming prime minister.

Thaksin is due in Cambodia a day later, for talks on Thai-Cambodian disputes regarding Preah Vihear temple and the disputed maritime area in the Gulf of Thailand. Unless one or the other changes his schedule, they are unlikely to meet.

Thaksin planned to visit Cambodia from Friday until the following Monday, said a Pheu Thai source. His legal adviser Noppadon Pattama will meet him in Phnom Penh. The two will talk to Cambodian officers about the Preah Vihear temple and the disputed maritime area.

They could also ask Cambodian authorities about helping two Thais - Veera Somkwamkid, a coordinator of the Thai Patriots Network, and Ratree Pipatanapaiboon, Veera's secretary - who have been jailed in Cambodia on a charge of spying and illegal entry since last December. The source said Thaksin and his legal adviser might try to convince the Cambodian government to agree on an inmates exchange.

Then, Veera and Ratree, who have been sentenced to eight years and six years in jail respectively, could be released from their prison in Cambodia while the Thai government would release Cambodian prisoners that have been jailed in Thailand on espionage charges.


It is unknown whether Thaksin intends to stay on until Sept 24 when Pheu Thai MPs will play football with representatives from the Cambodian government in a friendship match in Phnom Penh.

Pheu Thai list MP Natthawut Saikua said Pheu Thai MPs who will play football with the Cambodian government's team will not hold any talks with the Cambodian government because they are not representatives of the Thai government.

However, he will ask for suggestions from Cambodian officers on ways to help Veera and Ratree out of prison, said Mr Natthawut.

Cambodian ambassador to Thailand You Ay yesterday met Ms Yingluck at Government House.

He joined ambassadors of Asean member countries and chiefs of international organisations paying a courtesy call on Ms Yingluck.

The envoys offered congratulations to Ms Yingluck on her becoming leader of the Pheu Thai-led coalition government, said government spokeswoman Thitima Chaisaeng. Among the visitors was the Indonesian ambassador to Thailand Mohammad Hatta, who said her government was ready to welcome Ms Yingluck to Indonesia next week.

Soy Sopheap interviews De-chor (Part 13)

Posted: 09 Sep 2011 02:03 PM PDT

Latest posts from CambodiaWatch-Australia

Posted: 09 Sep 2011 01:36 PM PDT

Good Evening,

Please find below some of our latest posts.

Best Regards,

CambodiaWatch- Australia Team
http://camwatchblogs.blogspot.com/

"Trading trinkets for power" - Poem in Khmer by Chhany Chham

Posted: 09 Sep 2011 01:26 PM PDT

"Wanted: De-chor Hun Xen" - Posted by Anonymous

Posted: 09 Sep 2011 01:22 PM PDT

Trial and tribulation of corrupt CPP stalwarts and their extended family: Sun Chanthol and Khaou Chuly's dirty laundry in public display

Posted: 09 Sep 2011 08:35 AM PDT

Khaou Chuly, Sun Chanthol's father-in-law

Sun Chanthol, currently a CPP stalwart
Murder trial twist puts tycoon behind the plot

Friday, 09 September 2011
May Titthara
The Phnom Penh Post
He wanted to make his wife happy so he wanted to kill Sun Sotha
In A bizarre turn of events in one of the most publicised cases in recent memory, tycoon Khaou Chuly was accused of masterminding a plot to kill his daughter during testimony at his wife's Appeal Court hearing yesterday.

In February, Khaou Chuly's wife Seng Chenda was convicted and sentenced to 20 years in prison for masterminding a murder plot that targeted Sun Sotha, Khaou Chuly's daughter from a previous marriage.

Chan Sokha, a maid found guilty of attempted murder along with Seng Chenda in February, claimed yesterday during the appeal hearing that she had overheard discussions between Khaou Chuly and his son, Khaou Phalabot, about a plot to murder Sun Sotha.


Chan Sokha said Khaou Chuly created the scheme to please his wife because he felt his daughter did not respect her.

"He wanted to make his wife happy so he wanted to kill Sun Sotha," she said.

Khaou Chuly said that the accusation was "fake".

"She is my flesh and blood, why would I want her dead? What my maid is saying is not true."

Sun Sotha's brother Khaou Phalabot also dismissed the allegation as a "funny story".

"People don't kill their sons and daughters. That only happened during the Pol Pot regime," he said.

During the high-profile case heard earlier this year, Sun Sotha's husband, Sun Chanthol, was accused of framing Seng Chenda by working with authorities to physically coerce confessions from her alleged accomplices in the plot – Neang Sinath and Khorn Lak, in addition to Chan Sokha.

Sun Chanthol is the vice-chairman of the Council for the Development of Cambodia and a former minister of public works and transportation.

The Appeal Court is scheduled to continue hearings on October 4.

Yingluck's visit to improve relations: Cambodian deputy PM [-Dream on, Xok Anh!]

Posted: 09 Sep 2011 08:18 AM PDT

PHNOM PENH, Sept. 9 (Xinhua) -- The visit of the newly elected Thai Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra to Cambodia next week would definitely ameliorate diplomatic ties between the governments of the two neighbors, said Cambodian Deputy Prime Minister Sok An on Friday.

Yingluck has scheduled to make a one-day official visit to Cambodia on Sept. 15 to pay courtesy call on Cambodian leaders as she just becomes the new Thai prime minister.

"The visit will build better bilateral cooperation between the two countries," he told reporters at the Phnom Penh International Airport upon his return from the International Conference of Asian Political Parties (ICAPP) in China's Nanning.

The urgent and facing issue the two countries need to tackle is troop pullout from the provisional demilitarized zone of surrounding the 11th century Preah Vihear temple to comply with the order of the International Court of Justice and to end the two countries' military confrontation.


It was still unclear if Prime Minister Hun Sen and Yingluck would raise this issue during the upcoming meeting, said Sok An.

Cambodia and Thailand have had sporadic border conflict over territorial dispute near Cambodia's Preah Vihear temple since the UNESCO listed the temple as a World Heritage Site on July 7, 2008.

However, the military tension has eased since the former Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra's Pheu Thai Party won a landslide victory in the general elections on July 3.

Meanwhile, Sok An, who is also chairman of Cambodian National Petroleum Authority, insisted that Cambodia and Thailand should resume oil deal negotiations for joint development at the overlapping maritime area in the Gulf of Thailand as soon as possible.

Cambodia and Thailand entered into a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) regarding the area of their overlapping maritime claims to the continental shelf in June 2001, setting out an agreed area to be delimited and an agreed joint development area (JDA), but the talks was in limbo during the former Thai government under Abhisit Vejjajiva's administration.

KR navy commander defiant

Posted: 09 Sep 2011 08:15 AM PDT

Former Khmer Rouge navy commander Meas Mut speaks to reporters from the Post in 2009. (Photo by: Heng Chivoan)

Friday, 09 September 2011
May Titthara and Thomas Miller
The Phnom Penh Post
"One main thing that all people who live in this world need is happiness ... If you give someone happiness, other people will give you happiness in return." - Meas Mut, a Khmer Rouge who sent people to be killed is now being hounded for his past bad deed
Battambang province
Meas Mut hung in a shaded hammock at his expansive, secluded home in Battambang province's Samlot district, wearing only drawers and a white short-sleeve shirt, a well-worn book of Buddhist teachings in his hands.

The former Khmer Rouge navy commander, now 72, sat up to accept the greeting that had pierced the languor of his mid-morning. He pulled a pair of olive-green trousers off the wooden floorboards, buckled his belt and gestured toward a thick, polished wooden table with high-backed chairs.

Meas Mut, who has been named by activists and in media reports as a suspect in the Khmer Rouge tribunal's third case, appeared agitated by allegations he had heard against him, but defiant nonetheless.

Wrapping a thick wad of tobacco into green tree leaves, he demanded to know what evidence existed against him and insisted that his prosecution would reignite Khmer Rouge resistance.

"If the five of us flee into the jungle, how many people will follow us?" he said, referring to suspects in cases 003 and 004.


After his defection to the government, Meas Mut became deputy commander of Royal Cambodian Armed Forces Region 5, headquartered in the former Khmer Rouge stronghold of Samlot. He said legal action against him would rouse old sentiments among the former cadres who had been integrated into the army.

"Don't try to remind us of the past," he said. "The civil war can happen again. That is the reason why the government must choose to protect the nation – or follow some foreigners."

Meas Mut criticised the court, arguing that it should hold the United States to account for its illegal, eight-year bombing campaign in Cambodia. Otherwise, the tribunal was merely a ruse in the service of foreign interests, an attempt by the US to avenge its original failure to defeat the Khmer Rouge.

"What the [tribunal] did is because the Americans want revenge against the Khmer Rouge who beat them during the fighting of the past," he said. "Even though I'm old ... if they come to arrest me, we will not allow them to. We will go to the jungle and fight back."

Rising through the ranks Meas Mut said he joined the Khmer Rouge to protect the country from foreign threats after the 1970 coup of the US-backed Lon Nol regime, which deposed King Father Norodom Sihanouk and pitched Cambodia into civil war.

"I did not create the war," he said. "I am a victim that was forced to join the war."

In Takeo province's Tram Kak district, Meas Mut married Khom, the oldest daughter of the infamous Southwest Zone secretary Ta Mok, according to historian Ben Kiernan.

Kiernan claims that Meas Mut and Khom introduced communal eating in Tram Kak, Cambodia's most "ideologically advanced" district, as early as May 1973.

Meas Mut rose to party secretary of the district and then deputy secretary of Region 13, which covered the southern half of Takeo province, including Tram Kak, Traing, Kiri Vong and Koh Andet districts.
Khom replaced Meas Mut as district secretary in 1975 until her death by illness in 1977.

In 1975, Meas Mut retained command of the 3rd Southwest division. He became party secretary of Sihanoukville and commander of the Revolutionary Army of Kampuchea's Centre Division 164, which included control over the navy.

In a statement in May, international co-prosecutor Andrew Cayley, revealed that the prosecution's submission in Case 003 included requests into purges in the East, Central and New North Zones, as well as such crime sites as: S-21 and S-22, Wat Eng Tea Nhien security centre in Sihanoukville, the Stung Hav rock quarry forced labour site in Preah Sihanouk province, security centres in Ratanakkiri province and the capture of foreign nationals off the coast of Cambodia and their illegal detention, transfer to S-21 or murder.

The alleged crimes included murder, extermination, torture, unlawful imprisonment, enslavement and persecution.

The RAK was responsible for both external and internal security, the latter of which included "smashing" spies and "internal enemies" within military and party ranks, according to a July 1975 directive cited in the Case 002 Closing Order.

The army itself saw heavy internal purges. At least 5,600 RAK soldiers were sent to S-21, according to the tribunal's Case 001 judgment. A military report sent from Meas Mut's Division 164 to Brother No 2 Nuon Chea and Foreign Minister Ieng Sary, cited in the Case 002 Closing Order, states that 120 Vietnamese had been detained and shot over a three day period in 1978.

Meas Mut denied involvement in any killings, and said whatever he had done was justified by his responsibility to defend the country against foreign enemies.

"Do they have evidence to accuse me, or not?" he said. Meas Mut asked if the evidence was the bones in Cambodia's killing fields, and if so, he wondered how the court could determine whether the bones belonged to foreigners killed on Cambodian soil, Cambodians killed by Vietnam, or those killed from the American bombing campaign.

"They should find the real evidence in order to accuse me."

At peace "I do not feed even one dog for protection," Meas Mut said. "If I did wrong, I would not be able to sleep because maybe somebody would throw a stone at me or kill me with a knife. But I am living safely."

With the tribunal expected to dismiss its investigations into cases 003 and 004 due to an alleged lack of jurisdiction, it appears likely that Meas Mut will be able to continue living undisturbed, reading Buddhist teachings in his hammock.

Prosecutions in both cases are opposed by the Cambodian government and national prosecutor Chea Leang. Investigating judges have closed their investigation into Case 003, rejected requests by Cayley for further action in the case, and stated that there were "serious doubts" whether the suspects in Case 004 were within the court's jurisdiction.

These are welcome signs for Meas Mut. A pagoda he began building in 1999 is nearing completion. Although Buddhism was abolished under the Khmer Rouge, he said, its spirit "remained in the Cambodian mind".

"One life is not alone, so we have to have a good relationship with other people," he said. "One main thing that all people who live in this world need is happiness ... If you give someone happiness, other people will give you happiness in return."

Interpol issues arrest notice for Kadhafi, son Seif [-A lesson for Hun Xen and Hun Manet?]

Posted: 09 Sep 2011 08:06 AM PDT

A woman reads a copy of the newspaper Arus al-Bahr bearing a doctored image of Moamer Kadhafi (AFP, Patrick Baz)
Friday, September 09, 2011
AFP

LYON, France — World police body Interpol on Friday called for the arrest of fugitive former Libyan leader Moamer Kadhafi for his alleged crimes against humanity, following a request by the International Criminal Court.

Interpol said it had issued a "red notice" for the arrest of Kadhafi, his son Seif al-Islam and his intelligence chief Abdullah al-Senussi, one day after ICC prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo asked for the agency's help.

Interpol asked its 188 member countries "to take all measures consistent with their national laws to help the ICC locate and apprehend Kadhafi."


The "request for Interpol Red Notices will significantly restrict the ability of all three men to cross international borders and is a powerful tool to help in their location and arrest," Interpol chief Ronald Noble said.

"Kadhafi is a fugitive whose country of nationality and the International Criminal Court want arrested and held accountable for the serious criminal charges that have been brought against him," the secretary general said.

A red notice by the international police co-operation agency, which is based in the central French city of Lyon, seeks the arrest for an extradition or surrender of a person to an international court based on an arrest warrant.

In June, ICC judges issued arrest warrants against Kadhafi, 69, Seif al-Islam, 39, and Senussi, 62, for "crimes against humanity" by troops under their orders, using "lethal force" to quell the uprising against his regime.

Kadhafi, who had ruled Libya with an iron fist since 1969, "had absolute, ultimate and unquestioned control over the Libyan state apparatus of power, including the security forces," the ICC said in a court document.

His son Seif al-Islam "the most influential person within his inner circle" is his de facto prime minister, the court added.

As head of military intelligence, Senussi "exercised control over the armed forces under his command that were deployed in the city of Benghazi in order to suppress civilian demonstrations," from February 15 to 20 this year.

His plan to quell the February popular demonstrations by all means involved Libyan soldiers killing civilians as they were leaving mosques and funerals, leaving thousands dead, the prosecutor alleges.

Garment strikers hit their target

Posted: 09 Sep 2011 08:01 AM PDT

Workers exit the Supertex garment factory yesterday in Phnom Penh's Meanchey district. Photo by: Mai Vireak

Friday, 09 September 2011
Tep Nimol and David Boyle
The Phnom Penh Post

A long-running dispute between Supertex garment factory and laid off employees ended yesterday with the company paying out almost all compensation demands, days after the world's biggest apparel companies arrived in Cambodia to discuss labour issues.

Almost 2,000 former employees will now receive all five points of compensation they have demanded for more than three months, though some said they felt the amounts had been incorrectly calculated.

About 1,882 workers stopped a protest yesterday outside the company's factory in Phnom Penh's Meanchey district after it was announced that Supertex and the Ministry of Labour would pay out the compensation.

Ros Channa, a representative of Cambodian Independent Workers Union, said she received US$959 in compensation after working at the factory for nearly 10 years.


"I'm happy that demands the workers have made for over three months resulted in success. Nevertheless, around 20 or 30 workers are still protesting because the factory still owes them $100 each on top of the payout," she said.

Sry Kimyu, a lawyer representing Supertex, said compensation had been calculated legitimately by the Ministry of Labour and said workers that claimed otherwise were confused.

"Some workers got confused because they calculated the bonus based on daily work, but of course the bonus is calculated on a monthly basis excluding Sundays," he said.

The five points of compensation, which Supertex was ordered to pay by the Arbitration Council in early August, included indemnity, damages, lost salary, annual leave and unpaid wages. Mouen Tola, head of the labour program at the Community Legal Education Centre, said Supertex had likely caved to pressure from companies it supplies, such as global retailer Target, whose representatives met at a buyers' forum in Phnom Penh on Tuesday and Wednesday.

"I'm not clear if they had a confidential meeting, but the international suppliers were involved in pushing them to pay," Mouen Tola said.

But Ken Loo, president of the Garment Manufacturers Association in Cambodia, said Supertex had closed down and thus had no reason to be influenced by buyers into resolving the dispute.

"No absolutely not, there's absolutely no correlation in conjunction with the timing of the buyers' forum," Ken Loo said.

Representatives of Target could not be reached for comment yesterday.

Friendly bridge raises alarm [-A Friendship bridge to FORCED EVICTIONS???]

Posted: 09 Sep 2011 07:54 AM PDT

Construction work on a new Chinese-funded bridge over the Tonle Sap river continues in Phnom Penh. Residents affected by the project feel excluded from decisions about their resettlement. Photo by: Heng Chivoan

Friday, 09 September 2011 15:03
Khouth Sophakchakrya
The Phnom Penh Post

Families who will be relocated to make way for a new Cambodian-Chinese friendship bridge said yesterday they were still being excluded from the process that will decide their resettlement.

Residents of Chroy Changvar commune, in the capital's Russei Keo district, where more than 200 families are affected by the construction of the bridge, said they had not even been informed of an official meeting to discuss the resettlement process.

Municipal officials yesterday met with representatives from an inter-ministerial committee monitoring the project's impact on local villagers.

Chan Sopheak, 29, a resident of Doem Kor village, said families living near the bridge construction site were becoming increasingly alarmed as construction progressed.


"We are very sorry when we overhear that there is a meeting about our houses but the authorities do not invite us to join it," he said, adding that foundation posts for the bridge were nearly complete and construction on land would begin soon.

Por Chanphal, 39, another resident of Doem Kor village, said that last month, officials had come to count the number of families affected by the project and measure residents' land plots.

"Those officials told us that they would bring their report to give to the inter-ministerial committee to evaluate to determine a compensation policy for us," he said.

Meanwhile, residents in Daun Penh district's Srah Chak commune, on the west bank of the river, said they had refused to comply with an order from district authorities to pull down their homes last month because they had not been offered resettlement options or compensation.

In an August 5 eviction notice, Daun Penh district governor Sok Sambath said he would take measures against "slums" near the construction site and would not be responsible for compensation if villagers did not leave within 15 days. "The district authority ordered us to pull down our homes, but they did not tell us where to relocate to, or [offer] compensation for us after we demolished our homes," 28-year-old villager Pen Panha said.

Municipal deputy governor Noun Someth said officials were "discussing the issues [with the project] carefully", but declined to provide further details about the meeting.

Lakeside sand pumping resumes

Posted: 09 Sep 2011 07:48 AM PDT

A woman walks near a house at Boeung Kak lake that was inundated with sand yesterday by controversial developer Shukaku Inc. (Photo by: Meng Kimlong)
Heng Sovan surveys the damage caused to his house after it was flooded with sand and water yesterday on the edge of Boeung Kak lake in Phnom Penh. (Photo by: Meng Kimlong)
Friday, 09 September 2011Khouth Sophak Chakrya
The Phnom Penh Post

A group of Boeung Kak lake residents could only stand by and watch as the local developer Shukaku Inc inundated their houses with sand yesterday.

Eventually Shukaku, which is reclaiming land from the lake for a 133-hectare real estate development, agreed to temporarily stop pumping the sand so that affected residents could dig a canal to protect their houses. By that point the damage had already been done, said resident Chan Thoeurn.

He has also been cut out of a 12.44 hectare resettlement area awarded as compensation to 756 families set to be evicted by the project, because authorities claim his house is outside the compensation area.

"Authorities cut my house from receiving a land title in the 12.44 hectare [resettlement area] and now the company pumped sand to fill in the ground floor of my house, clogging my sewage drainage system," he said.

"Why did the authorities and the company do such a thing to my family?"

Shukaku could not be reached for comment.

Cambodia’s warrior woman

Posted: 09 Sep 2011 07:40 AM PDT

Mu Sochua (Photo: The Phnom Penh Post)
September 9, 2011
Stephanie Sta Maria
Free Malaysia Today

From thousands of miles away, Mu Sochua is fighting for the well being of every Cambodian domestic worker in Malaysia.

INTERVIEW

KUALA LUMPUR: Cambodian opposition MP Mu Sochua moves like a feline. Silent, solitary and very much alert. So when she arrived at the Tenaganita headquarters she indulged in a quiet moment of observation before being spotted.

Then the greetings gushed forth with the most ebullient coming from seven young Cambodian girls who could not believe that the voice they have only heard on the radio was standing before them.

The seven are among 41 domestic workers rescued by Tenaganita from abusive employers this year alone. Sochua, 57, came to Malaysia to hear their stories and to seek the truth behind the sudden death of another worker in Penang.

Choy Pich, 19, was found dead in her employer's house on July 17. Police ruled that she died of pneumonia but Sochua believes that the teenager was beaten to death and is determined to prove it.


Any other guest on such a controversial mission to Malaysia would likely be intercepted by immigration officials and deported. But Sochua's low-key movements enabled her to enter the country without any hassle.

"I don't travel with an entourage because it hinders my contact with the people," she explained. "When I'm alone I can go anywhere, even into a brothel, and people will talk."

This is precisely why Sochua is one of the most watched women by the Cambodian government. But she's hardly intimidated. No one with a life story like hers could shrivel up in the face of power.

When the Vietnam War crashed upon Cambodia, the then 18-year-old Sochua was forced to flee to France, the US and Italy. Her parents remained trapped in Cambodia and later vanished under the Khmer Rouge rule. But not before they instilled the values of justice and equality in their young daughter.

Sochua returned home after nearly two decades in exile and immediately devoted herself to promoting the women's agenda including human trafficking, domestic violence and exploitation.

Her path gradually unfolded into politics where she held the post of women's and veterans' affairs minister. A few years later she relinquished her role, blamed corruption as a major obstacle in her work and promptly joined the opposition Sam Rainsy party. And through it all she remained committed to her original fight.

Malaysian government must act

That fight brought her to Malaysia which had seen a sharp spike in the arrival of Cambodian domestic workers during the three-year freeze on recruitment of Indonesians. Thirty thousand of the 50,000 Cambodian domestic workers here arrived this year alone.

Among those rescued by Tenaganita, 56% suffered physical abuse, 26% were sexually abused and 25% were malnourished.

"I don't want to undermine the Malaysian government but I am very worried," Sochua emphasised.

"The protection of women must take priority and the obligations of each government must be fulfilled.

"When I heard of Choy Pich's death I couldn't believe something like that could happen in Malaysia…a worker who suddenly drops dead with bruises and all."

Sochua immediately made contact with the Malaysian ambassador in Cambodia as well a Malaysian who informed them of the alleged abuse. But the former never responded and the latter eventually stopped correspondence for fear of repercussions.

"A crime has been committed and the criminal must be pursued by Malaysian law," she insisted. "I highly respect Malaysia and I cannot imagine the government being unwilling to respond to this."

"I think it would be to Malaysia's advantage to conduct a clear investigation so as to prevent recurrences. Otherwise I'm certain that more Cambodian women would suffer the same fate and that is not the life we want for them."

It was never the life she wanted for them. From day one, Sochua lobbied for women to remain at home to protect them and prevent them from carrying the social stigma of "the Malaysian girl".

"In our culture women are not supposed to leave home and even if they return safely with a bagful of money they will still be known as the one who went to Malaysia," she explained.

"I understand that the economy is weak but I don't see my government doing anything to address issues of unemployment and the poverty that stems from land grab."

Land grab victims are prime targets for human traffickers in Cambodia. The families are convinced to turn over their young women to the traffickers in exchange for a pitiful sum of money.

"The system has to be cleaned up," Sochua said. "Human labour is a booming business that cannot be regulated unless both governments employ a strict system of monitoring. This is what I worry about in the Malaysia-Cambodia relationship."

Sochua has friends in high places here including within Pakatan Rakyat. But none of these friends were aware of her arrival and she preferred it that way. Her reasoning is simple – she is on a humanitarian visit not a political one.

"The news is in the media and if the opposition wants to take up the issue then they will," she said. "I'm aware of the political dynamics here and I don't want to be seen as playing an opposition game."

"I'm here because I care about the lives of our women. I'm a MP and I could be working at the political level. But I'm discreetly at a Malaysian NGO because of the women out there."

Change is coming

The seven Cambodian girls marked her as their saviour but Sochua isn't interested in courting a heroic reputation.

"I'm a human rights activist, not a rescuer," she said firmly. "I walk the campaign trail to tell women that they have the power to vote for change in Cambodia so that Choy Pich's story never repeats in their families."

"I'm also conducting workshops to train candidates for elections. I believe that women in politics and the judiciary will be the change because issues like human trafficking and worker exploitation don't appeal to male politicians."

Sochua is under no illusions that her fight would be a long-drawn out one and that a breakthrough could be a considerable distance away. But her hope is rooted in her belief that the Sam Rainsy party could win this war.

"We can already see it," she smiled. "The people can see that the government is selling Cambodia and they will not stay silent forever."

The Silencing of Cambodian Domestic Workers in Malaysia: A Cause of Deaths?

Posted: 09 Sep 2011 07:35 AM PDT

Mu Sochua and an illegally detained maid in training (Photo: The Phnom Penh Post)
Two days ago, my party activists brought to me a distraught woman as her 3 year-old daughter has beeen kept by the employment agency claiming that she needed to pay them US$650. Her husband had just died. With help from a local agency, the daughter is now free but they took the mother in exchange.

The following day, I heard of the deaths of two Cambodian domestic workers in Malaysia.

Today, as was traveling from Northern Cambodia-a journey that takes 5 hours, I received a phone call about an abused worker.

The situation is more than alarming. It is human trade and killing of innocent women.

I ask that each and everyone of you write to the office of the UN Human Rights and the ASEAN Human Rights Committee.


Mu Sochua, MP
Sam Rainsy Party

CPP rejects information posted by KI-Media accusing it of communism [-The CPP bans KI-Media ... but yet, they follow closely information published by KI-Media???]

Posted: 09 Sep 2011 07:30 AM PDT


Unofficial translation from Khmer
Announcement

The [CPP] party's committee for the ministry of Education, Youth and Sports has the honor to inform all news network that, following our reading of the article titled "The CPP is leading the country toward to communism" which was posted on the KI-Media website on 07 September 2011 and in the Phnom Penh Post on 07 September 2011, [this article] affects the honor and the rights to join politics by education employees in Cambodia, as well as by the CPP and this is contrary to Article 31 of the Constitution of Cambodia.

The party's committee for the ministry of Education, Youth and Sports confirms that all Cambodians have the rights to participate in Politics with the spirit of respect and belief to the party's political goal, voluntarily and without being forced to do it. Therefore, party's work is internal work of the party, it is different from public profession, and the joining to the CPP is the right of each Cambodian citizen to decide in politics as they have to choose a leader who is filled with high intelligence for the development of the country with peace and rapid development of the economy.

Regarding the accusation that "the ministry is forcing and distributing forms to adhere to the CPP, an act that is contrary to democracy," this statement is not right because the party's committee for the ministry of Education, Youth and Sports is always conducting this current event for all CPP members working at the ministry, in particular [for it] to grasp the true number of party members. In fact the forms distributed by the party's committee at the ministry are only party information forms, they were not forms to force adhesion to the CPP. Furthermore, any political party must grasp the number of party members.

For the reasons above, all information networks should know and openly publish this announcement in order to avoid continued confusion among the population.

Done in Phnom Penh, 09 September 2011

Party's committee for the ministry of Education, Youth and Sports
----------
KI-Media Note:

If the CPP's claim is true, i.e. "all Cambodians have the rights to participate in Politics", then will it allow other political parties to distribute party adhesion form to employees the ministry of Education, Youth and Sport like the CPP does? Unless the CPP allows such action by other political parties, the CPP's action is tantamount to political coercion on employees at the ministry of Education, Youth and Sport. This is tantamount to the CPP leading the country to communism!

Sam Rainsy's letter to The Cambodia Daily about Hor Namhong's defamation lawsuits

Posted: 09 Sep 2011 12:57 AM PDT

September 6, 2011

The Editor
The Cambodia Daily
Phnom Penh

Sir,

In "Sam Rainsy's Defamation Lawsuit To Be Reheard" (September 5, page 27), it was reported that "The case was first heard in April without Mr Rainsy or his lawyer's participation, and a verdict has yet to be delivered."

Actually, a guilty verdict was made public with a two-year imprisonment sentence handed down to me on April 25 by the Phnom Penh Municipal Court in relation to the defamation and disinformation lawsuit filed by Foreign Affairs Minister Hor Namhong.

On May 5, my lawyer wrote to the President of the Court to oppose my condemnation in absentia on the basis of the universal judicial principle "Non bis in idem" (no one shall be twice tried for the same offence).

As a matter of fact, in relation to another defamation lawsuit filed against me in France by the same Mr Hor Namhong, which is very similar in substance to the one he filed in Cambodia, the French Supreme Court ("Cour de Cassation") on April 27 declared I was not guilty of anything and Mr Hor Namhong finally and definitively lost his case before the French tribunal.

Therefore, the summons I received from the Cambodian tribunal to attend a "rehearing" of the case later this month, is a violation of the "Non bis in idem" principle, especially in light of the difference in the degree of independence and respectability enjoyed respectively by the French Court and the Cambodian Court.

Sincerely,

Sam Rainsy
Elected Member of Parliament
Paris

Sacrava's Political Cartoon: New Release in the Kigdom of Wonder

Posted: 09 Sep 2011 12:49 AM PDT

Cartoon by Sacrava (on the web at http://sacrava.blogspot.com)

Pol Pot’s biography under the Democratic Kampuchea regime

Posted: 09 Sep 2011 12:45 AM PDT

08 Sept 2011
By Seng Dyna
Radio France Internationale

After the KR took over power in Phnom Penh, Salot Sar became the prime minister, but he chose to use the surname "Pol Pot". At first, nobody knew that Pol Pot was no other than Salot Sar because Pol Pot is a man who likes to lead a mysterious life. Very few records can be found on his biography during his tenure.

Click the control below to listen to the audio program in Khmer:

សាឡុត ស ហៅ ប៉ុល ពត លេខា​បក្ស​កុម្មុយនិស្ត និង​ជា​នាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តី​នៃ​កម្ពុជា​ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ
(រូបថតឯកសារ)

ជីវិត​​ ប៉ុល ពត ក្នុង​របប​កម្ពុជា​ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ

​ថ្ងៃ ព្រហស្បតិ៍ 08 កញ្ញា 2011
ដោយ សេង ឌីណា

ក្រោយ​ពី​ខ្មែរក្រហម​ដណ្តើម​កាន់កាប់​ក្រុងភ្នំពេញ សាឡុត ស បាន​ឡើង​កាន់តំណែង​ជា​នាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តី ក៏ប៉ុន្តែ ប្រើឈ្មោះ​ថា "ប៉ុល ពត"។ ពីដំបូង គេមិនដឹង​ទេ​ថា ប៉ុល ពត នេះ គឺ​ជា​សាឡុត ស។ ដោយសារ​តែ​ ប៉ុល ពត ជា​មនុស្ស​ចូលចិត្ត​រស់​នៅ​ក្នុង​ភាព​អាថ៌កំបាំង​ផងនោះ គេកម្រ​ឃើញ​មាន​ឯកសារ ដែល​សរសេរ​អំពី​ប្រវត្តិ​របស់គាត់ ក្នុង​អំឡុង​ពេល​​គាត់​កាន់អំណាច​ណាស់។

នៅថ្ងៃទី១៧ ខែ​មេសា ឆ្នាំ​១៩៧៥ កងទ័ព​ខ្មែរក្រហម​ដណ្តើម​កាន់កាប់​ក្រុង​ភ្នំពេញ ហើយ​ផ្តួលរំលំ​ជា​ស្ថាពរ​នូវ​របប​សាធារណរដ្ឋ​ខ្មែរ របស់​ លន់ នល់។ ​រាល់​អំណាច​ទាំងអស់​ក៏ធ្លាក់​ក្នុងដៃ​ពួក​ខ្មែរក្រហម ដែល​មាន សាឡុត ស ជា​មេដឹកនាំ។ ក៏ប៉ុន្តែ ទោះជា​ក្រោយពី​ទទួលបាន​ជោគជ័យ​ហើយ​ក៏ដោយ ក៏ សាឡុត ស នៅតែ​បន្ត​លាក់បាំង​អត្តសញ្ញាណ​របស់​ខ្លួន​ដដែល។


នៅថ្ងៃទី២៣ ខែ​មេសា ឆ្នាំ១៩៧៥ ពោលគឺ មួយ​សប្តាហ៍​ក្រោយពី​កងទ័ព​ខ្មែរក្រហម​ដណ្តើម​កាន់​កាប់ក្រុងភ្នំពេញ ទើប សាឡុត ស ធ្វើដំណើរ​ចូលមក​ទីក្រុងភ្នំពេញ។ នៅពេលនោះ ប្រជាជន​ត្រូវបាន​គេ​ជម្លៀស​ចេញពី​ភ្នំពេញ​អស់​ទៅហើយ។ សាឡុត ស ចូលមក​ទីក្រុង​ភ្នំពេញ​ ដោយ​ស្ងាត់ស្ងៀម​ គ្មាន​ពិធី​អបអរសាទរ​អ្វី​ទាំងអស់។

នៅថ្ងៃទី១៤ មេសា ឆ្នាំ១៩៧៦ ប៉ុល ពត បាន​ឡើង​កាន់តំណែង​ជា​នាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តី​នៃ​រដ្ឋាភិបាល​កម្ពុជា​ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ។ ពីមុនមក មិនដែល​មាន​អ្នកណា​ឮ​ពី​ឈ្មោះ ប៉ុល ពត នេះទេ។ សាឡុត ស ធ្លាប់​ប្រើ​ឈ្មោះ ប៉ុល កាល​ពី​អំឡុង​ទសវត្សរ៍​ឆ្នាំ៥០ តែ​ឈ្មោះ ពត គេ​មិនដែល​ឮទេ។ ពីដំបូង មាន​មនុស្ស​តិចតួច​បំផុត​ ដែល​ដឹងថា ប៉ុល ពត គឺជា សាឡុត ស។ យោងតាម​លោក David Chandler មាន​អតីត​និស្សិត​មួយចំនួន ដែល​ធ្លាប់​រៀន​ នៅ​ប្រទេស​បារាំង​នាំគ្នា​គិតស្មាន​ថា ប៉ុល ពត គឺ រ័ត្ន សាមឿន ដោយសារតែ​គេ​មើលឃើញ​ថា កាលពី​ពេល​រៀន​នៅ​ប៉ារីស គឺ រ័ត្ន សាមឿន ដែល​ជា​អ្នក​ផ្តើមគំនិត​បង្កើត និង​ចេញមុខ​ចេញមាត់​ដឹកនាំ​ក្រុម​និស្សិត​កុម្មុយនិស្ត​​ព្រមទាំង​ជាអ្នក​បូរបាច់​ បញ្ចេញ​គំនិត​ទស្សនៈ​ក្នុង​ការ​ប្រជុំ​នានា។

ម្យ៉ាងទៀត នៅពេល​ឡើង​កាន់​អំណាច ប៉ុល ពត ថែមទាំង​បាន​ក្លែង​ប្រវត្តិ​របស់ខ្លួន​ទៀតផង ដើម្បី​លាក់បាំង​កុំ​ឲ្យគេ​ដឹង​ថា​ខ្លួន​ជា សាឡុត ស។ នៅ​ទីក្រុង​ប៉ារីស ជួន ប្រាសិទ្ធ ដែល​ក្រោយមក​ ក្លាយជា​ឯកអគ្គរដ្ឋទូត​កម្ពុជា​ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ​ប្រចាំ​អង្គការ​សហប្រជាជាតិ បាន​ប្រាប់​គេឯង​ថា ប៉ុល ពត កើត​នៅ​ជាយដែន​ខ្មែរ-វៀតណាម បាន​ចូលរួម​ក្នុង​ចលនា​តស៊ូ​ប្រឆាំង​ជប៉ុន ហើយ​ក្រោយមក​ទៅ​ធ្វើការ​ជា​កម្មករ​ចម្ការ​កៅស៊ូ នៅ​ស្រុក​មេមត់ ខេត្ត​កំពង់ចាម។

ចំណែកនៅឆ្នាំ១៩៧៧ ឯកអគ្គរដ្ឋទូត​ខ្មែរក្រហម​ ប្រចាំ​ក្រុង​ប៉េកាំង បាន​អះអាង​ថា សមមិត្ត ប៉ុល ពត បាន​ប្រើ​ឈ្មោះនេះ​តាំងពីដើម​មក គឺ​ជា​ឈ្មោះ​ពិត មិនមែន​ជា​ឈ្មោះ​បដិវត្តន៍​នោះទេ។ ចំណែកឯ សាឡុត ស វិញ បាន​ស្លាប់​ក្នុង​សង្រ្គាម​បាត់​ទៅហើយ។

នៅក្នុងអំឡុងពេលនោះ សូម្បីតែ​បងប្អូន សាច់ញាតិ​របស់ សាឡុត ស ក៏មិន​បាន​ដឹង​ដែរ​ថា ប៉ុល ពត គឺ សាឡុត ស។ ចាប់តាំងពី​ពេល​ដែល សាឡុត ស រត់ចេញ​ពី​ភ្នំពេញ​ទៅ​ពួន​នៅក្នុង​ព្រៃ​ នៅ​ឆ្នាំ១៩៦៣ សាឡុត ស មិនដែល​ផ្តល់​ដំណឹង​ដល់​ក្រុមគ្រួសារ​នោះទេ។ នៅពេល​មកដល់​ក្រុងភ្នំពេញ នៅ​ខែ​មេសា ឆ្នាំ​១៩៧៥ ក៏ សាឡុត ស មិន​រវីរវល់​សួរនាំ​រក​បង ដែល​ធ្លាប់​ចិញ្ចឹម​បីបាច់​ និង​បណ្តុះបណ្តាល​ឲ្យខ្លួន​បាន​រៀនសូត្រ​នោះដែរ។

ប៉ុល ពត មិនត្រឹមតែ​លាក់បាំង​អត្តសញ្ញាណ​ពិត​របស់ខ្លួន ដែល​ជា​មេដឹកនាំ​ប៉ុណ្ណោះទេ សូម្បីតែ​អត្តសញ្ញាណ​របស់​បក្សកុម្មុយនិស្ត​កម្ពុជា​ក៏​ត្រូវ​បាន​លាក់បាំង​មិនឲ្យ​គេ​ដឹង​ដែរ។ ពួក​ខ្មែរក្រហម​មិនដែល​បញ្ចេញ​ឲ្យ​គេ​ដឹង​ទេ​ថា បក្ស​កុម្មុយនិស្ត​កម្ពុជា គឺ​ជា​បក្ស​កាន់អំណាច។ ផ្ទុយទៅវិញ ពួក​ខ្មែរក្រហម​បាន​ប្រើ​ឈ្មោះ "អង្គការ​បដិវត្តន៍" ជំនួសឲ្យ​បក្ស​កុម្មុយនិស្ត​កម្ពុជា។ ក្រោយមក "អង្គការ​បដិវត្តន៍" ត្រូវបាន​គេ​ហៅ​ដោយខ្លី​ថា "អង្គការ"។ ប្រជាជន​កម្ពុជា​ឮ​ពួក​ខ្មែរក្រហម​ប្រើ​ពាក្យ​ថា "អង្គការ" នេះ​ស្ទើរតែ​រៀងរាល់​ថ្ងៃ រហូត​ដល់​ស៊ាំ​ត្រចៀក តែ​មិនមាន​អ្នកណា​ម្នាក់​ដឹងទេ​ថា តើ "អង្គការ" នេះ​ជាអ្វី?

តាមការពិត ការប្រើ​ឈ្មោះ​សម្ងាត់ ឬ​ឈ្មោះ​បដិវត្តន៍ គឺជា​ទម្លាប់​ដែល​ពួក​មេដឹកនាំ​កុម្មុយនិស្ត​តែងតែ​ធ្វើ​តៗគ្នា​មក ទាំងនៅ​ប្រទេស​កម្ពុជា ទាំងនៅ​ប្រទេស​ផ្សេងៗទៀត។ ដូចជា ស្តាលីន និង​ហូជីមិញ ជាដើម សុទ្ធសឹង​តែ​ជា​ឈ្មោះ​បដិវត្តន៍។

នៅកម្ពុជា ក្រៅពី ប៉ុល ពត មេដឹកនាំ​ខ្មែរក្រហម​ផ្សេងៗទៀត ក៏ប្រើ​ឈ្មោះ​បដិវត្តន៍​ដែរ ដូចជា នួន ជា មាន​ឈ្មោះដើម​ថា ឡុង ប៊ុនរួត អៀង សារី ប្រើ​ឈ្មោះ​បដិវត្តន៍​ថា មិត្តវ៉ាន់ ខៀវ សំផន ហៅ មិត្តហែម សុន សេន ហៅ មិត្តខៀវ ឈិត ជឿន ហៅ តាម៉ុក ។ល។ និង ។ល។

ពួក​មេដឹកនាំ​ខ្មែរក្រហម​មានជំនឿ​ថា ការ​លាក់ការណ៍​សម្ងាត់ គឺជា​គន្លឹះ​ដើម្បី​ឲ្យ​បដិវត្តន៍​របស់​ពួកគេ​ទទួលបាន​ជោគជ័យ។ បើគេ​ពិនិត្យមើល​ទៅលើ​របៀប​ដឹកនាំ​របស់​ខ្មែរក្រហម គេអាច​មើលឃើញ​ថា មូលហេតុ​ចម្បង ​ដែល​នាំឲ្យ​មេដឹកនាំ​ខ្មែរក្រហម​ចូលចិត្ត​លាក់ការណ៍​សម្ងាត់ គឺ​ការ​មិន​ទុកចិត្ត​គ្នា។ ការ​សង្ស័យគ្នា​ទៅវិញ​ទៅមក​នេះហើយ​ ដែល​បណ្តាល​ឲ្យ​មាន​ការ​កាប់​សម្លាប់​​គ្នាឯង សូម្បី​តែ​ក្នុង​ជួរ​ថ្នាក់ដឹកនាំ​ខ្មែរក្រហម។

ដោយសារ​តែ​ ប៉ុល ពត ចូលចិត្ត​រស់នៅ​ក្នុង​ភាព​អាថ៌កំបាំង មាន​ឯកសារ​តិចតួច​ណាស់ ដែល​សរសេរ​អំពី​ជីវិត​របស់ ប៉ុល ពត នៅក្នុង​របប​កម្ពុជា​ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ។

នៅក្នុងសៀវភៅ ដែល​មាន​ចំណងជើង​ថា "បងទីមួយ​ប៉ុល ពត" លោក David Chandler បាន​សរសេរ​ថា នៅក្នុង​ចន្លោះពេល​ដែល​ខ្មែរក្រហម​កាន់អំណាច​ ពីឆ្នាំ​១៩៧៥ ដល់​ឆ្នាំ១៩៧៩ ប៉ុល ពត រស់នៅ​ដោយ​មាន​ការ​ការពារ​យ៉ាង​តឹងតែង​ពី​សំណាក់​កងទ័ព​ខ្មែរក្រហម។ ប៉ុល ពត កម្រ​បង្ហាញ​មុខ​នៅ​ទីសាធារណៈ​ណាស់។ ទីលំនៅ​របស់ ប៉ុល ពត នោះ​ទៀតសោត ក៏តែងតែ​ផ្លាស់ប្តូរ​ជារឿយៗ។ ប៉ុន្តែ​ជាទូទៅ​ ប៉ុល ពត ស្នាក់នៅ​ក្នុង​ភូមិគ្រឹះ​មួយ​នៅ​ក្បែរ​វិមាន​ឯករាជ្យ។ នៅក្នុង​ភូមិគ្រឹះ​នេះ មាន​ទឹក មាន​ចរន្ត​អគ្គិសនី និង​មាន​អ្នកបម្រើ ដូចជា​អ្នកយាម អ្នក​បើកឡាន និង​អ្នក​ដាំស្ល ជាដើម។ ប៉ុល ពត ដែល​តែងតែ​អួតអាង​ថា​ខ្លួន​ជាអ្នក​ស្អប់ខ្ពើម​វណ្ណៈ​សក្តិភូមិ ហើយ​ជា​អ្នក​មាន​ទស្សនៈ​សមភាពនិយម រហូតដល់​បណ្តេញ​ប្រជាជន​នៅតាម​ទីក្រុង​ទាំងអស់​ឲ្យ​ទៅ​រស់នៅ​តាម​ទីជនបទ តែ​ខ្លួនឯង​បែរជា​រស់នៅ​ទីក្រុង​ភ្នំពេញ​ មាន​អ្នកបម្រើ​ឆ្វេងស្តាំ តាមរបៀប​ជា​អភិជន​ទៅវិញ។

ឈឹម សាមោក ដែល​ធ្លាប់​ធ្វើជា​នាយក​ខុទ្ទកាល័យ​របស់ ប៉ុល ពត ហើយ​ក្រោយមក​ត្រូវបាន​ជាប់ឃុំ​នៅ​គុក​ទួលស្លែង បាន​ឲ្យ​ដឹង​ថា អ្នកបម្រើ​ក្នុង​ភូមិគ្រឹះ​របស់ ប៉ុល ពត ភាគច្រើន​ជា​ជនជាតិ​ភាគតិច។ នេះ​ប្រហែល​មកពី ប៉ុល ពត មាន​ទំនុកចិត្ត​លើ​ជនជាតិ​ភាគតិច ពេលដែល​គាត់​បាន​ទៅរស់នៅ​ក្នុង​ព្រៃ​ក្នុង​ខេត្ត​រតនគិរី កាលពី​ចុង​ទសវត្សរ៍​ឆ្នាំ៦០។

ឈឹម សាមោក ក៏បាន​ឲ្យដឹង​ដែរ​ថា ប៉ុល ពត ជា​មនុស្ស​ឈឺ​ច្រើន ជាពិសេស​គ្រុនចាញ់ និង​ជំងឺ​រាគរូស។ នៅថ្ងៃទី​២៧ ខែ​កញ្ញា ឆ្នាំ​១៩៧៦ ប៉ុល ពត ឈឺធ្ងន់​រហូតដល់​ប្រកាស​លាលែង​ចេញពី​តំណែង​ជា​នាយក​រដ្ឋមន្រ្តី។ នួន ជា ដែលជា​អនុលេខា​បក្ស និង​ជា​ប្រធាន​សភាជាតិ បាន​ឡើងមក​កាន់តំណែង​នាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តី​ជំនួស ប៉ុល ពត។ ក៏ប៉ុន្តែ​បី​សប្តាហ៍​ក្រោយមក ប៉ុល ពត បាន​វិលត្រឡប់​មក​កាន់តំណែង​ជា​នាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តី​វិញ។

ដោយចេះតែ​មាន​បញ្ហា​សុខភាព​ញឹកញាប់​ពេក​ ប៉ុល ពត ចាប់ផ្តើម​សង្ស័យ​ថា មាន​គេ​លួច​ដាក់​ថ្នាំបំពុល​ក្នុង​ម្ហូបអាហារ។ តាមពិត ប៉ុល ពត រស់នៅ​ក្នុង​ការ​ភ័យខ្លាច​ជា​អចិន្រ្តៃយ៍​ថា​ មាន​គេ​ចង់​លប​ធ្វើឃាត។ រាល់ពេល​ដែល​មាន​ការ​ប្រជុំ​បក្ស​ម្តងៗ ប៉ុល ពត បាន​បញ្ជា​ឲ្យគេ​ឆែកឆេរ​មនុស្ស​ទាំងអស់ ដែល​ចូលរួម​ប្រជុំ។

ការរស់នៅ​ក្នុង​ការសង្ស័យ និង​ការ​ភ័យខ្លាច​ជាប្រចាំ​បែបនេះ បាន​ជំរុញឲ្យ ប៉ុល ពត សម្លាប់​រហូតដល់​មិត្តភក្តិ​ដ៏​ជិតស្និទ្ធ ធ្លាប់​រួមសុខ​រួមទុក្ខ​ជាមួយគ្នា កាលពី​នៅ​តស៊ូ​ក្នុងព្រៃ។

ការចាប់ខ្លួន​មេដឹកនាំ​ជាន់ខ្ពស់​របស់​បក្ស បាន​ចាប់ផ្តើម​ធ្វើឡើង​នៅ​អំឡុង​ខែ​កញ្ញា ឆ្នាំ​១៩៧៦។ នៅថ្ងៃទី២០ ខែកញ្ញា ឆ្នាំ១៩៧៦ ប៉ុល ពត បាន​បញ្ជា​ឲ្យគេ​ចាប់ខ្លួន ណៃ សារ៉ាន់ ហៅ យ៉ា លេខាបក្ស​ប្រចាំ​ភូមិភាគ​ឦសាន យកទៅ​ដាក់ឃុំ​នៅ​គុក​ទួលស្លែង ដោយ​ចោទថា​ជា​ភ្នាក់ងារ​យួន មាន​បំណង​ផ្តួលរំលំ​រដ្ឋាភិបាល​កម្ពុជា​ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ។

ការចាប់ខ្លួន​បែបនេះ ក៏ចេះតែ​កើតមាន​ជា​បន្តបន្ទាប់ ជាពិសេស លើ​មន្រ្តី​ខ្មែរក្រហម​ណា​ដែល​មាន​ប្រភព​ចេញពី​បក្ស​ប្រជាជន​បដិវត្តន៍​ខ្មែរ ដែល​ពួក ប៉ុល ពត តែងតែ​ចាត់ទុក​ថា​ជា​អ្នក​ធ្វើការ​ឲ្យ​ពួក​កុម្មុយនិស្ត​វៀតណាម។

នៅចុងឆ្នាំ១៩៧៨ ប៉ុល ពត ដែល​ជា​មេដឹកនាំ​ដ៏​អាថ៌កំបាំង​នោះ បាន​ចាប់ផ្តើម​បញ្ចេញ​មុខមាត់​ជា​សាធារណៈ​ច្រើន​ជាងមុន ជាពិសេស នៅ​ពាក់កណ្តាល​ខែ​ធ្នូ ឆ្នាំ១៩៧៨ ប្រមាណ​៣​សប្តាហ៍​មុនពេល​របប​កម្ពុជា​ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ​ត្រូវ​ដួលរលំ ប៉ុល ពត បាន​អនុញ្ញាត​ឲ្យ​អ្នកកាសែត​អាមេរិក​ពីររូប​ គឺ​លោកស្រី Elizabeth Becker និង​លោក Richard Dudman ចូល​ជួប​សម្ភាស នៅក្នុង​ទីក្រុង​ភ្នំពេញ។ នេះ​ជា​លើក​ដំបូង​បំផុត ដែល ប៉ុល ពត យល់ព្រម​ផ្តល់​បទសម្ភាសន៍​ឲ្យ​អ្នកកាសែត​មកពី​ប្រទេស​មិនមែន​កុម្មុយនិស្ត។ ការណ៍ដែល ប៉ុល ពត យល់ព្រម​ជួបជាមួយ​អ្នកកាសែត​អាមេរិក​បែបនេះ​បង្ហាញ​ថា គាត់​ទំនង​ជា​កំពុង​អស់សង្ឃឹម​ថា​នឹង​អាច​យក​ឈ្នះ​លើ​កងទ័ព​វៀតណាម ដែល​កំពុងតែ​វាយលុក​លើ​កងទ័ព​កម្ពុជា​ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ ហើយ​ថែមទាំង​ដណ្តើម​កាន់កាប់​ទឹកដី​កម្ពុជា​មួយផ្នែក​ផង។ ប៉ុល ពត ប្រហែលជា​សង្ឃឹមថា​នឹងអាច​ប្រើ​ប្រព័ន្ធ​ផ្សព្វផ្សាយ​អាមេរិក ដើម្បី​ស្វែងរក​ជំនួយ​ផ្នែក​យោធា​ពី​អាមេរិក មក​ទប់ទល់​នឹង​កងទ័ព​វៀតណាម។

ក៏ប៉ុន្តែ វាយឺតពេល​ណាស់​ទៅហើយ នៅពេលនោះ។ ពួក​ខ្មែរក្រហម​មិនអាច​ទប់ស្កាត់​ការ​វាយលុក ពី​សំណាក់​កងទ័ព​វៀតណាម​បានទេ។ នៅថ្ងៃទី៧ ខែមករា ឆ្នាំ១៩៧៩ ម៉ោង​ប្រមាណជា​៩ព្រឹក មុនពេល​ដែល​កងទ័ព​វៀតណាម​វាយលុក​ចូលដល់​ក្រុង​ភ្នំពេញ ប៉ុល ពត បាន​ចាកចេញ​ពី​ទីក្រុង​ភ្នំពេញ តាម​ឧទ្ធម្ភាគចក្រ ឆ្ពោះទៅកាន់​ប្រទេស​ថៃ។ របប​កម្ពុជា​ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ​ក៏​បាន​ដួលរលំ៕

Controversial NGO Law Sent Back for Re-Draft

Posted: 09 Sep 2011 12:30 AM PDT

Ministry officials of Interior will now "review and reconsider" the draft before sending it back a second time to the Council of Ministers for approval.

Thursday, 08 September 2011
Chun Sakada, VOA Khmer | Phnom Penh
"If no NGOs are watching in Cambodia, such as human rights organizations, the donors will not provide aid."
A contentious law aimed at regulating Cambodia's non-governmental sector has been sent back to the Ministry of Interior, following international concern that the draft as it stood could damage the country's development.

The NGO law was approved last month by the Council of Ministers, despite widespread disapproval from local and international organizations, who said provisions in the draft would make it hard for them to operate and could leave them vulnerable to arbitrary punitive action by government officials.

Nouth Sa An, secretary of state for the Ministry of Interior, said the law would not go to the National Assembly as planned but has instead been sent back to the ministry for reconsideration, following international "reaction."

Ministry officials will now "review and reconsider" the draft before sending it back a second time to the Council of Ministers for approval.


Lam Chea, a legal counselor for the Council of Ministers, confirmed the decision Thursday.

The move was widely welcomed by members of Cambodian civil society, who had worried the law would stifle organizations critical of the government through excessive red tape or court action. Many also worried it would stymie the growth of small-scale associations at the grassroots.

Ou Virak, president of the Cambodian Center for Human Rights, said the change of position was a response to intense pressure from donors who help support the country's health, education and overall development.

"If no NGOs are watching in Cambodia, such as human rights organizations, the donors will not provide aid," he said.

So Sam Oeun, executive director of the Cambodian Defenders Project, said the Ministry of Interior must now seriously consider improvements that were offered by NGOs on the first draft but were neglected.

"The draft law has been pulled back," he said. "We should meet and listen to the ideas of the NGOs, so that the draft law can be accepted and agreed on by both sides. This is a good thing for our society."

One of the major points of concern for some NGOs was the mandatory registration process in the original draft.

Sin Somony, executive director of Medicam, an umbrella group of medical NGOs, said the new review of the law was good and that "volunteer registration" should be a part of the new law.

"We demand clear meaning and definitions in the draft law," he added.

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