KI Media: “The country is developed? - Poem in Khmer by Kaun Khmer” plus 23 more

Sam Rainsy Party strongly condemns Battambang authorities for pulling down four SRP signs in Battambang town this morning. This act is in violation of the Law on Political Parties which stipulates that each political party shall have its name and a symbol.

Furthermore, Battambang authorities violate Article 4 of the same law by allowing the Cambodian People's Party to keep their signs in the same locations.

Article 4 of the Law on Political Parties stipulates: " All political parties shall be entitled to the same rights, privileges and shall receive equal treatment from the Royal Government and authorities at all levels".

SRP is most concerned by this act of harassment and discrimination as registration of voters is nearing.

SRP calls for the concerned ministry to take immediate action and to ensure free and fair elections that begins with fair competition.

The four SRP signs were taken down from the following locations in Battambang town:

For further information, please contact:

012 831 040 - English

012 49 71 97 - Khmer

ជា​រៀង​រាល់​ឆ្នាំ គេ​សង្កេត​ឃើញ​ថា នៅ​ពេល​រដូវ​បោះ​ឆ្នោត​ជិត​ចូល​មក​ដល់ ជម្លោះ​រវាង​គណ​បក្ស​នយោបាយ​នានា ក៏​ចាប់​ផ្ដើម​កើត​ឡើង​ដែរ។

អាជ្ញាធរ​ខេត្ត​បាត់ដំបង និង​ខេត្ត​ប៉ៃលិន នៅ​ព្រឹក​ថ្ងៃ​ច័ន្ទ ទី​២២ ខែ​សីហា ឆ្នាំ​២០១១ នេះ បាន​បញ្ជូន​កង​កម្លាំង​ប៉ូលិស​ជា​ច្រើន​នាក់ ចុះ​រឹប​អូស​យក​ស្លាក​សញ្ញា​គណ​បក្ស​សម​រង្ស៊ី​ជា​ច្រើន​យក​ទៅ​រក្សា​ទុក​នៅ​សាលា​ក្រុង និង​ស្នងការដ្ឋាន​ប៉ូលិស ក្រោយ​ពី​ក្រុម​មន្ត្រី​បក្ស​ប្រឆាំង​បាន​នាំ​គ្នា​ចុះ​បោះ​បង្គោល​ដាំ​តាម​សេចក្ដី​ជូន​ដំណឹង​របស់​ខ្លួន នៅ​លើ​ចិញ្ចើម​ផ្លូវ​សាធារណៈ ក្នុង​ខេត្ត​បាត់ដំបង និង​ខេត្ត​ប៉ៃលិន។

មន្ត្រី​គណ​បក្ស​សម​រង្ស៊ី​ឲ្យ​ដឹង​ថា ប៉ូលិស​បាន​ដក​ហូត​យក​ស្លាក​សញ្ញា​គណ​បក្ស​សង្ស៊ី​ចំនួន​បួន​ស្លាក ក្នុង​នោះ ១​ស្លាក​ស្ថិត​នៅ​ខាង​ត្បូង​សាលា​បឋម​សិក្សា​វត្ត​កំផែង និង​២​ស្លាក​ទៀត​នៅ​តាម​បណ្ដោយ​ផ្លូវ​លេខ​៣ ក្នុង​សង្កាត់​ស្វាយ​ប៉ោ ក្រុង​បាត់ដំបង ហើយ​នៅ​ខេត្ត​ប៉ៃលិន​មួយ​ផ្លាក​ផ្សេង​ទៀត។

លោក ស៊ុន កុសល់ មន្ត្រី​គណ​បក្ស​សម​រង្ស៊ី​ប្រចាំ​ក្រុង​បាត់ដំបង បាន​ប្រតិកម្ម​ថា ការ​លើក​ផ្លាក​សញ្ញា​គណ​បក្ស​នេះ គឺ​បាន​ធ្វើ​ឡើង​ត្រឹម​ត្រូវ​តាម​សេចក្ដី​ជូន​ដំណឹង ដែល​គណ​បក្ស​សម​រង្ស៊ី​បាន​ដាក់​ជូន​អាជ្ញាធរ ៖ «ទង្វើ​នេះ​ជា​ទង្វើ​មិន​ស្មើ​ភាព​គ្នា ក្នុង​ការ​ប្រកួត​ប្រជែង រវាង​គណ​បក្ស​នយោបាយ ហើយ​គណ​បក្ស​សម​រង្ស៊ី​ក្រុង​បាត់ដំបង នឹង​ធ្វើ​ពាក្យ​បណ្ដឹង​ទៅ​តាម​ផ្លូវ​ច្បាប់ ប្ដឹង​ទៅ​គណៈកម្មាធិការ​រៀបចំ​ការ​បោះ​ឆ្នោត​ផង យើង​នឹង​ពាំ​នាំ​យក​ករណី​នេះ​ទៅ​ប្រាប់​ដល់​ម្ចាស់​ឆ្នោត​ថា ទង្វើ​ដែល​រដ្ឋ​អំណាច​ធ្វើ​នេះ ជា​ទង្វើ​បែប​កុម្មុយនិស្ត»។

លោក យិន ម៉េង​លី មន្ត្រី​ស៊ើប​អង្កេត​នៃ​សមាគម​អាដហុក បាន​ថ្លែង​ថា អាជ្ញាធរ​ខេត្ត​បាត់ដំបង និង​ខេត្ត​ប៉ៃលិន មិន​ត្រូវ​ចុះ​ធ្វើ​ការ​រឹប​អូស​យក​ស្លាក​សញ្ញា​គណ​បក្ស​សម​រង្ស៊ី​ដូច្នេះ​ទេ។ លោក បន្ត​ថា វា​ជា​កំហុស​របស់​អាជ្ញាធរ​មូលដ្ឋាន ដែល​ពុំ​ធ្វើ​ការ​ឆ្លើយ​តប​តាម​សេចក្ដី​ជូន​ដំណឹង​ឲ្យ​គណ​បក្ស​សម​រង្ស៊ី ៖ «ខ្ញុំ​គិត​ថា បញ្ហា​នេះ យើង​មិន​គួរ​ធ្វើ​អ៊ីចឹង​ទេ ព្រោះ​បញ្ហា​នយោបាយ​នេះ វា​ចាស់​ទុំ​ហើយ អ៊ីចឹង​គប្បី​ធ្វើ​ការ​ចរចា​គ្នា​បំពេញ​ទៅ​វិញ​ទៅ​មក​នូវ​ចំណុច​ដែល​យើង​ខ្វះ​ខាត យើង​មិន​គប្បី ប្រើ​កម្លាំង​សមត្ថកិច្ច​ឲ្យ​ទៅ​ធ្វើ​អ៊ីចឹង​បាន​ទេ»។

អភិបាល​ក្រុង​បាត់ដំបង លោក អឿម សុខុន បាន​មាន​ប្រសាសន៍​ថា គណ​បក្ស​សម​រង្ស៊ី​គ្រាន់​តែ​បាន​ធ្វើ​សេចក្ដី​ជូន​ដំណឹង ប៉ុន្តែ​មិន​បាន​ធ្វើ​ការ​ស្នើ​សុំ​មក​អាជ្ញាធរ​មូលដ្ឋាន ៖ «ដាក់​ត្រង់​ណា ឲ្យ​មាន​ការ​ឯកភាព​ពី​កន្លែង​ត្រង់​ហ្នឹង​ធ្វើ​ក្រដាស​មក ឥឡូវ​ឧទាហរណ៍​ដាក់​ចំណុច​ណា ឲ្យ​មាន​ការ​ឯកភាព​ពី​ស្ថាប័ន និង​ពី​សាលា​រៀន ពី​វត្ត​ទៅ ធ្វើ​ឲ្យ​ច្បាស់​លាស់ នៅ​ទីតាំង​ណា បើ​សិន​ជា​មិន​ច្បាស់​លាស់​ទេ​ទៅ​សុំ​គោល​ការណ៍​នៅ​ក្រុង​ឥឡូវ​ធ្វើ​ម៉េច ឲ្យ​មាន​ឯកសារ​ច្បាស់​លាស់​ថា ដាក់​ត្រង់​ណា ហើយ​ឲ្យ​មាន​ការ​ឯកភាព​ពី​អង្គភាព​ស្ថាប័ន​អាជីវកម្ម​ហ្នឹង​ផង»។

ប្រធាន​សម្របសម្រួល​របស់​អង្គការ​សិទ្ធិ​មនុស្ស​លីកាដូ លោក ស៊ុន តឹក បាន​មាន​ប្រសាសន៍​សង្កត់ធ្ងន់​ថា ការ​ចុះ​រឹប​អូស​យក​ផ្លាក​សញ្ញា​គណ​បក្ស​សម​រង្ស៊ី​នេះ គឺ​ជា​រឿង​ផ្ទុយ​និង​ច្បាប់​បោះ​ឆ្នោត ៖ «គណ​បក្ស​ណា​ក៏​ដោយ​ដាក់​ផ្លាក​រដ្ឋ​អំណាច​គួរ​តែ​បង្ក​លក្ខណៈ​ឲ្យ​គេ​ដាក់​បាន​ឲ្យ​ស្រួល បើ​និយាយ​ឲ្យ​ចំ ត្រូវ​មាន​ចំណុច​ណា​មួយ​ដាក់​ថា គណ​បក្ស​នេះ​ដាក់​ត្រង់​នេះ គណ​បក្ស​នោះ​ដាក់​ត្រង់​នោះ សម្រប​សម្រួល​កុំ​ឲ្យ​មាន​ការ​ប្រទាញ​ប្រទង់​គ្នា​អ៊ីចឹង​វា​មិន​ល្អ​មើល​សម្រាប់​មហា​ជន​បើ​សិន​ជា​យើង​ហាម​គេ​មិន​ឲ្យ​ដាក់​សោះ​ជា​ការ​ខុស​ច្បាប់​បោះ​ឆ្នោត»។

កាល​ពី​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​១១ និង​ថ្ងៃ​ទី​១២ ខែ​សីហា ឆ្នាំ​២០១១ គណ​បក្ស​សម​រង្ស៊ី ប្រចាំ​ខេត្ត​បាត់ដំបង និង​ខេត្ត​ប៉ៃលិន បាន​លិខិត​ជូន​ដំណឹង​ស្ដីពី​ការ​លើក​ស្លាក​សញ្ញា​គណ​បក្ស​សម​រង្ស៊ី នៅ​ក្នុង​ក្រុង​បាត់ដំបង​ចំនួន ៧​ស្លាក​សញ្ញា និង​នៅ​ខេត្ត​ប៉ៃលិន​ចំនួន ៤​ស្លាក​សញ្ញា ប៉ុន្តែ​រាល់​សេចក្ដី​ជូន​ដំណឹង​នោះ ក្រុម​អាជ្ញាធរ​ពាក់ព័ន្ធ​ពុំ​បាន​ធ្វើ​ការ​ឆ្លើយ​តម​និង​សេចក្ដី​ជូន​ដំណឹង​នោះ​ឡើយ ហើយ​នៅ​ពេល​មន្ត្រី​គណបក្ស ​សម​រង្ស៊ី​ចុះ​ធ្វើ​សកម្មភាព​បោះ​បង្គោល​ដាំ​ស្លាក​សញ្ញា​គណ​បក្ស​ទាំង​នោះ​ក៏​ទទួល​រង់​ការ​ហាម​ឃាត់ និង​មាន​ការ​រឹប​អូស​ពី​សំណាក់​អាជ្ញាធរ​ប៉ូលិស៕

NGO Forum confirmed yesterday it had received a "warning letter" from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs over its advocacy on behalf of communities affected by a railway rehabilitation project funded by the Asian Development Bank (ADB) and AusAID.

The warning to the umbrella group of 88 NGOs had been issued over a letter sent last year to the president of the ADB that "raised some concerns in relation to resettlement impacts from the railway project", a statement from NGO Forum yesterday said.

It said the forum had informed its donors and members and was "in the process of responding to this letter".

The group's donors include Christian Aid and Oxfam.

"I do not want to comment further on this matter at this moment," NGO Forum executive director Chhith Sam Ath told the Post yesterday.

He did say, however, that a meeting held on Thursday at the ministry was the first of its kind for NGO Forum, which began in the 1980s as a campaign to end an embargo on international aid to Cambodia that was in effect at the time.

Ministry spokesman Koy Kuong has accused NGO Forum and the international NGO Bridges Across Borders of making "false" and "unfair" claims to the ADB about the deaths of two children relocated by a railway rehabilitation project.

He said an October 21 letter to the ADB linked the children's deaths to the railway project.

The letter was signed by Bridges Across Borders, Sahmakum Teang Tnaut (STT), NGO Forum and the Housing Rights Taskforce. STT was suspended early this month for all-egedly "inciting" villagers to protest against the railway project.

The suspension, followed by last week's warning letters, has refocused concern on the government's draft law on associations and NGOs.

Members of civil society have warned that STT's suspension is a preview of what is in store for groups critical of the government.

Human Rights Watch has also warned that the government's moves will have a chilling effect on the media. "Information sources for the media among local assoc-iations will likely dry up because those association officials will rightly worry that the government could shut them down overnight," the deputy director of the group's Asia division, Phil Robertson, told the Post.

"This law will be a disaster for freedom of expression in Cambodia. Sadly, it's clear this is precisely the intent of the highest levels of government, who don't want to face any sort of criticism from anyone."

Ath Thun, head of the Cambodian Labour Confederation, described the warning letters from the ministry as "an act of intimidation against free expression".

The warnings were a step in a process that could lead to the shutting down of the groups, he said.

Koy Kuong could not be reached for comment.

Council of Ministers spokesman Phay Siphan said the draft law on associations and NGOs was intended to protect them, and there remained avenues open for them to influence it.

He said he could not comment on the suspension of STT or the warning letters issued to NGO Forum and Bridges Across Borders.

"We are an open society," Phay Siphan said. "They have a right to make noise. We accept that."

With Mr. Zhou Yongkang's recent visit to Cambodia, some supporters of the Cambodian main opposition party (SRP) rightly ask question why China foreign policy makers continue to ignore the relevance of their party in light of swift social changes taking place in the Arab world.

Traditionally, China does not interfere with internal politics of a friendly country, and her relationships with her allies are strictly government to government. SRP needs to adjust its political platform to the China's reality. Rather than being critical of China-Tibet affairs, Mr. Rainsy needs to prove to China that in the long run, SRP is a more viable alternative to the ruling CPP. Only then, SRP can expect to gain China's sympathy and eventually recognition.

With all the social changes happening in the Arab world, it is no surprise that China is strengthening the corporation with her key allies close to home. Given the strategic importance of Cambodia, it would be prudent for China to expand her relationship with Cambodia beyond the traditional government-to-government interactions. It would be in China best interest to nurture people-to-people relationship by sponsoring a number of activities such as building local trade schools and healthcare facilities, and funding various Sino-Khmer associations in rural Cambodia. Only strong people-to-people tie can ensure an enduring relationship between the two countries regardless which political formation wins the election in Cambodia.

On behalf of the Cambodian people, the Sam Rainsy Party, Cambodia's second largest party with over 1.3 million votes, congratulates the Libyan people on the liberation of Libya from the dictatorship of Muammar Gaddafi. We all learned with jubilation and admiration the entry in Tripoli yesterday of the valiant Libyan freedom fighters under the direction of Libya's National Transitional Council.

Earlier this year, opposition leader Sam Rainsy declared in Manila, "The worst regimes in terms of crimes and impunity are those whose autocratic leaders have been in power for the longest period of time," and he called for the formation of a "Peoples' alliance for the removal of multi-decade dictators." He associated Cambodia's Hun Sen(32 years in power) with Tunisia's Ben Ali (removed after 23 years in power), Egypt's Hosni Mubarak (removed after 30 years in power), Libya's Muammar Gaddafi (JUST removed after 42 years in power!), Yemen's Ali Abdullah Saleh (to be removed after 33 years in power) and Syria's Bashar al-Assad (to be removed after 40 years of dictatorship including his father Hafez al-Assad's 29-year reign of terror).

Last month Sam Rainsy went to Tunisia to meet with local and international activists from various political and social backgrounds who have successfully fought for a regime change in the North African country through an unprecedented popular uprising that triggered the Arab Spring or Jasmine Revolution eight months ago.

Leading Cambodia's patriotic and democratic forces, the Sam Rainsy Party vows to make sure that Hun Sen eventually meet the same fate as Slobodan Milosevic's or Muammar Gaddafi's.

Like Slobodan Milosevic and Muammar Gaddafi who was, or is to be, tried by the International Criminal Court, Hun Sen committed crimes against humanity ("K5 Plan" in the 1980's) and war crimes (torture and killing of some two hundreds prisoners following his July 1997 coup) besides masterminding the 30 March 1997 deadly grenade attack and ordering the shooting of countless peaceful citizens protesting election fraud in the summer of 1998.

After Gaddafi who terrorized the Libyan people for 42 years, the next target of the world's freedom fighters should be Abdullah Saleh (33 years of dictatorship in Yemen) followed by Hun Sen (32 years of terror since the Vietnamese military invasion of Cambodia in 1979).

As a Cambodian American I would like to thank Elizabeth Becker for reporting this problem to the world to hear. This is another method for the Cambodian government to silence the voice of the people. It is so unfortunate that this new law on civil society is proposed during this time, when the world is in an economic crisis. It is probably not by coincidence that the Cambodian government chooses this moment in time to try to pass this law because they know the world is now too busy with their own problems than to worry about Cambodia, a small country of no significance to them.

As an observer from afar I feel that Cambodia has missed many opportunities to right the ship after the election of 1993. I was fortunate to be in Cambodia in February 1992 to witness the arrival of UNTAC in Cambodia. That was the moment I felt Cambodia had a chance to rebuild the country the right way by adopting the model of the Western world such as the respect for human rights, social and equal justice for all, and the concept of democracy. My younger brother, Hann So, took his personal time off from his work to build the Khmer Institute for Democracy (KID) with Julio Jeldres in Cambodia. I was a constant contributor to the bilingual journal Khmer Conscience that my brother created. We introduced the concept of democracy and tried to teach the Cambodian people who had been oppressed all their lives under the communist rules that it was alright to speak up, to participate in rebuilding the country, and not be afraid to vote for whomever they wanted. This may seem banal for people who live in a free country, but for Cambodians who had been oppressed and taught to follow the communist party line, this freedom was all new to them. We were very enthusiastic for the future of Cambodia.

I thought that after Ranariddh won the election he would bring in the right people to help him rebuild Cambodia. I was so disappointed when many of the people he brought in to work in his government started to behave like hungry animals. They sold everything in sight and put the level of corruptions in the Hun Sen government prior to the election to shame. The corruptions were widespread and became the norm. Now it's a culture that is almost impossible to get rid off. It's becoming a cancer in the Cambodian society.

The population of the Cambodian generation that lived under the Khmer Rouge genocide era is now approaching old age. Cambodia is now entering a new phase. Most of today's younger generation has never experienced the atrocity of the Khmer Rouge or even war. For Cambodia to prosper and progress in the twenty first century, the country must reform some of its laws to attract business investments. Cambodia is a small country and does not reach a critical mass yet (in term of consumptions and productions) for the other countries to justify their big capital investments without getting the stigma of condoning and acquiescing to the culture of corruption. It is the duty of the government to clean up the image of the country and set up the rules of accountabilities. Corruptions must be eradicated as much as possible and the standard of the Cambodia education must be constantly elevated so that it can attract high tech industry investments. The culture of cronyism must be replaced with merits based on qualification.

Thank You,

In a modest wooden home near the Thai border in Battambang province's Kamrieng district, former high-ranking Khmer Rouge cadre and war crimes suspect Ta An lies on a mat, an empty intravenous drip bag dangling from the thatched roof.

Now aged 78, Ta An faces accusations including genocide and crimes against humanity for presiding over widespread executions and purges in the Khmer Rouge tribunal's Case 004, according to leaked court documents cited in international media outlets.

Dressed in a heavy green army coat that covered a dusty yellow button-down shirt and blue athletic shorts, the now-frail figure evoked disquieting sympathy as he spoke while lying on his back, at times clutching a fleece blanket with cartoon characters on it, too feeble to sit upright.

When he vomited into a pot, his cousin rubbed his back. His wife, Prom Ra, served a bowl of plain steamed rice to ease his stomach.

"My father, he gets sick a lot. One time, he fainted at the farm, and if the villagers had not seen him, he would have passed away already," his son Mao Phorb said.

"I'm very worried about him. He's too old, and the court wants to take him away. I want to live with him during his old age."

But Ta An revealed a vitality beneath his age and sickness as he spoke, often passionately, about his past. He folded his hands across his chest, but could barely keep them still.

"If the court comes to take me to the court, or the King of all devils [comes for me], I will not be afraid, because I am an honest person," he said.

Ta An came up through the ranks of the Khmer Rouge in Ta Mok's notoriously brutal Southwest Zone, which covered Kandal, Kampot and parts of Kampong Speu and Takeo provinces. Ta Mok, who he called "my first boss", ruled over what was considered a "model" region for the rest of the country.

Ta An worked under Ta Mok in Kandal province's Kandal Stung district, roughly 20 kilometres south of Phnom Penh. In early 1977, he was transferred to the Central Zone – Kampong Thom and parts of Kampong Cham and Kratie provinces – where he became secretary of Region 41 and second-in-command to zone secretary Ke Pauk.

A wave of executions from the top to the bottom of the Khmer Rouge ranks and a policy designed to eliminate Cham Muslims was carried out in 1977-78 in the Central Zone. Ke Pauk is believed to be the only cadre based there prior to the purge to have survived the killings.

From his sick bed, Ta An admitted that the Khmer Rouge purged their own ranks, but claimed he was "not responsible for the killings". Instead, he implicated his superior, Ke Pauk, who was never arrested and died in 2002.

But Ta An's alleged role in the Khmer Rouge may shed more light on the regime's brutal policies and internal power struggles than he is willing to let on.

The purges may have begun in late 1976, before Ta An arrived, but they gained pace once he and other cadres from the Southwest zone swept into the area, according to Khmer Rouge historian Ben Kiernan.

Ta An said that when he arrived in Kampong Cham, "only Ke Pauk and Mr Chhor" were there, most likely referring to Ke Pauk's deputy at the time, Chhor Chhen, alias Sreng.

Chhor Chhen was sent to S-21 on February 18, 1977, and later executed. He was followed by dozens of other officials as Ke Pauk sought to consolidate power in the zone.

Between mid-February and the end of April, 112 civilian officials from the zone were sent to Tuol Sleng prison, Kiernan wrote. Thirty-five "important culprits" from the zone party branch were sent to S-21 and executed in 1977.

The scope of killings in the Central Zone is immense. The tribunal's co-investigating judges, who are charged with sending a case to trial or dismissing it, recently revealed a list of 12 crime sites in the Central Zone related to the case, including prisons, killing fields and forced labour projects.

Between 145,690 and 254,690 people are estimated to have been killed at just seven of the sites, according to data from a mass-grave mapping project conducted by the Documentation Centre of Cambodia.

Nevertheless, Ta An said he "never killed any people" except during the war against the right-wing Lon Nol regime.

He viewed himself as merely responding to Sihanouk's call, who announced an alliance with the Khmer Rouge after he was deposed by Lon Nol in the 1970 coup d'état.

"The court that has taken some Khmer Rouge people to be detained in prison is very unjust because they did not find out clearly what caused the civil war," he said.

"Where is the balance? The King, who we respected as much as the Buddha, lost power. So, we are Khmer citizens. I could not ignore that, I don't care about the court's accusations. What I did was just to protect the King's power. So where is the justice for me?"

Unlike the Khmer Rouge leaders indicted in the first two cases at the Khmer Rouge tribunal, which is charged with prosecuting "senior leaders" of Pol Pot's regime and those "most responsible" for its crimes from 1975-79, Ta An is not widely-known.

Trials against him and four other suspects in Cases 003 and 004 at the tribunal face opposition from Cambodian co-prosecutor Chea Leang and the Cambodian government. Both argue that prosecutions of so-called "mid-level" cadre could provoke political instability or plunge the Kingdom back into civil war.

The co-investigating judges, meanwhile, have said there are "serious doubts" as to whether Ta An and the other suspects in Case 004 fall within the court's jurisdiction, a move observers have viewed as a precursor to the case's dismissal.

Others have argued that failing to prosecute Khmer Rouge leaders responsible for perhaps tens of thousands, if not hundreds of thousands, of executions and deaths would be a vast injustice to Cambodian victims.

"Case 004 is significant because it addresses tremendously grave crimes that fall outside the scope of Case 002 and would provide the public a more accurate picture of how criminal leadership policies were executed on the ground," said Anne Heindel, a legal advisor at DC-Cam.

The two suspects joining Ta An in Case 004, Im Chaem and Ta Tith, also face war crimes accusations for their alleged roles in purges and executions in the Northwest Zone.

Southeast of Battambang city, on a muddy road that winds through several shaded villages and across fields of rice paddies punctured by palm trees, lies Wat Samdech, named as a crime site in Case 004 by judges at the tribunal.

The refurbished pagoda in Sangke district boasts the names of prominent benefactors from the region, including Interior Minister Sar Kheng, on the wall of a new building.

Wat Samdech is one of 17 Case 004 crime sites named by the judges in the Northwest Zone, which included Battambang, Banteay Meanchey and Pursat provinces.

The girls selling Phnom Penh beer and instant soup at the pagoda's entrance do not know how Wat Samdech was used by the Khmer Rouge, they say.

But not far down the road from the pagoda, which lies in Tapon commune's Samdech village, two women resting on a raised wooden bed by the side of the road know what happened. They lived here during the Khmer Rouge.

"I don't know how many they killed, but there was a long line and they killed them one by one and pushed them into the pond," 67-year-old Chin said.

The prisoners had their hands tied behind their backs. "I was afraid they would kill me, too," she said.

Sang, a 76-year-old woman with graying, wind-swept hair, who donned a brightly-coloured plaid krama, said the prisoners at Wat Samdech were mostly "new people" not from the village – those who were forced from their homes in the cities or "tainted" by education, capitalism, foreign influence or the old regime.

The Khmer Rouge cadres at the pagoda-turned-prison had guns, they said, but used the metal axle from an ox-cart to bludgeon their victims before dumping their bodies into a pond, which was later filled in. An adjacent puddle, now boasting water lilies and lotuses beneath a rickety wooden dock, was kept free of bodies; it was used for drinking water.

Chin said Wat Samdech's main building was "filled with blood" – smeared across the walls and the floor – when she saw the inside after the Khmer Rouge fell. Piles of bones lay near the pagoda.

Fear

Chin said she still feels fear when she thinks about what she saw at the pagoda down the street. She and Sang provided only their given names, saying they said they were afraid to talk because the Khmer Rouge might hunt them down and kill them.

They also said – after a brief hesitation and exchange of looks – that no cadres lived in the area anymore. These women, with their wide, mysterious smiles, also worried that the court would come to take them away. "I'm afraid to go to jail," Chin said.

Between 5,000 and 6,000 people were killed at Wat Samdech, according to DC-Cam. A small stupa, bearing a glass case filled with the bones and skulls of only a few of the dead, lies near the pond in their memory.

M'lee Lang, whose chest bears tattoos beneath a dark orange robe, became a monk at Wat Samdech nine years ago. He said he has yet to see any court officials come to the pagoda to investigate.

A Lon Nol soldier during the civil war, M'lee Lang, 73, was ordered to fashion knives in a factory in Ek Phnom district's Prek Norint commune under the Khmer Rouge. He came to Samdech village after the regime's fall, and saw "a lot of bones" in pits next to the pagoda.

"I was so sad," he said. "The court should punish [Khmer Rouge leaders] to 10 to 20 years at least, because a lot of people were killed. If not, then all survivors are without hope."

But when asked if the court should have more trials, including for those potentially responsible for the executions at Wat Samdech, he said "five" is enough, referring to Duch, the head of Tuol Sleng who was convicted in the court's first case last year, and the four leaders who stand accused in the court's second case: Brother No 2 Nuon Chea, Foreign Minister Ieng Sary, head of state Khieu Samphan and Social Action Minister Ieng Thirith.

M'lee Lang said he had seen enough "revenge" already.

"The Khmer Rouge district governor was killed by local people in revenge [for killing their own families] after 1979," he said, adding that other cadres were killed during the 80s.

Between 50,630 and 64,863 people were killed at 11 of the Northwest Zone Case 004 sites named by the tribunal's judges, according data from DC-Cam. A total body count in 19 out of 30 sites in the case for which DC-Cam has data would range from 201,320 to 336,553.

Duch was convicted in the tribunal's first case of crimes against humanity and grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions last year for his role in the killings of at least 12,272 people as chief of S-21.

Heindel, of DC-Cam, said Duch's role in the party hierarchy was "no higher" then the five suspects in Cases 003 and 004. "The gravity of his alleged crimes was no greater. If the suspects do not fall within the court's jurisdiction as those 'most responsible,' the inconsistency would be irreconcilable," Heindel said.

"If Cases 003 and 004 are dropped on the spurious basis that the suspects are neither 'senior leaders' nor 'most responsible,' the message many Cambodians will take away is that only the top most leaders shoulder blame," she said.

What was the point of Vice-President Joseph Biden's just ended visit to China? It is surely not enough to point vaguely to the supposed goodwill generated by formulaic visits between leaders.

Given the number of such exercises in superficial global bonhomie, one would expect the world to be in a better shape than it is. It is one thing from a US perspective to have high-profile state visits such as President Obama's to China or to have working visits by officials such Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner. But the Biden visit appears to have had only the vaguest of agendas and if anything put US weakness on display at a time when China is boasting its global importance.

Ostensibly Biden was on a "get to know you" visit, in particular to "build a relationship" with fellow vice-president Xi Jinping, who is expected to succeed Hu Jintao as president and party boss next year. Biden was lyrical: "Foreign policy is more than just formal visits; it's establishing personal relationships and trust. And it is my fond hope that our personal relationship will continue to grow".

Even in the west, the importance of personal rapport between leaders is often exaggerated. For a western leader to imagine that Chinese policies, the product of a highly structured political system, are susceptible to such personal relationships is an illusion.

Of course there may have been some especially important information that Biden carried to Beijing and as yet remains a secret. But judging by the public display and official reports the US appeared mostly as a supplicant playing to China's sense of self-importance. Biden overloaded his speeches with references to China's present as well as past achievements and its importance to the whole world today, using language which seemed over the top even for ceremonial occasions. Do US vice-presidents use similar language when visiting other major nations?

There is also something troubling in the way some have been playing up the ethnicity of the new US ambassador to Beijing, Gary Locke, who took up the post just days before Biden arrived. Locke has excellent credentials but ethnicity should not be one of them – much though it appeals to ethnically conscious Chinese.

The US appearing as supplicant is not good diplomacy. As the International Herald Tribune headlined it: "Biden asks for Beijing's help on economy" – this just a few days after the US was being repeatedly bashed by Beijing for its budget deficits and accused by the head of China's own rating agency, Dagong, of already having defaulted on its debt by depreciating its currency.

For sure, Beijing has for now toned down its comments and Biden has asked China to do more to balance the global economy by further currency appreciation and stoking domestic demand. But those have been US themes for almost a decade and had only limited impact. Buying US debt to maintain its own competitiveness by keeping the Yuan undervalued remains a cornerstone of China's policies.

Meanwhile for Chinese consumption the US has been playing up the recent deficit deal reached by Congress even though the administration – and the Federal Reserve too – believe it will have negative consequences for the US economy. Indeed the whole tenor of the visit as seen in much of the US media as well has been the need for the US to reassure China, its main creditor. This is illogical. If the US wants to see the yuan appreciate it should welcome China ceasing to buy Treasury bonds. The image of the US as supplicant increases China's pride and makes it more likely to take a firm stand on other issues Biden discussed: Taiwan arms sales, North Korea and Iran.

The US appears already to have given in to Beijing on arms sales. Taiwan sources say that their request to buy 66 new F-16s has been denied and they will only be offered an upgrade of old planes. If so, it is unclear what Washington received in return beyond more, probably empty, promises of pressure on Pyongyang. Recent US willingness to strengthen its Asian alliances in the face of China's military might and forward policies in the South and East China seas has been well received in most of the region. But the Taiwan decision, if confirmed, coinciding with the tenor of Biden's visit scarcely indicates that the US has the self-confidence in dealing with China that its Asian allies would like to see. Score another for Beijing.

CAMBODIA agreed to acquire Chinese-made Z-9 helicopters for US$195 million in one of 26 memorandums of understanding agreed by the two countries on Saturday.

Cooperation was pledged in sectors such as energy, mining, agriculture and road construction, as well as defence spending and aid. The two-day meeting also saw deals inked involving Cambodian conglomerate Royal Group and the Chinese backers of the controversial Boeung Kak lake development.

Led by Politburo Standing Committee member Zhou Yongkang, the Chinese delegation met with Prime Minister Hun Sen on Saturday.

"[Hun Sen and Zhou] have exchanged views on this new era of cooperation between Cambodia and China," Eang Sophalleth, Hun Sen's spokesman, said at a press conference following the closed-door meeting.

Hun Sen reiterated the Cambodian government's political will to continue backing the One-China's Policy, or China's claim to sovereignty over Taiwan and other disputed regions, Eang Sophalleth said.

"The Chinese government needs to trust in Cambodia's support of the One-China Policy, and Cambodia will stay resolute on this," Eang Sophalleth quoted Hun Sen as saying during the meeting.

Increased cooperation has been lauded by Cambodian officials and some investment groups, but large-scale investments from China have also raised concerns about the mainland's rising influence in the Kingdom.

"The more and more Chinese exercise influence in Cambodia, the more Cambodia will become subservient to China," Lao Mong Hay, a political analyst, said yesterday.

While China's interest in regional trade and Cambodian resources are substantial, its primary objective is strategic, Lao Mong Hay said. With disputes raging between China and Vietnamover oil-rich territory in the South China Sea, Beijing sees Cambodia as a "security belt" in the region, he said.

The deals signed at the conference covered a broad range of sectors. The heliocopter MoU, which was not discussed at the press conference, was signed by Minister of Economy and Finance Keat Chhon and China's Vice Minister of Commerce Chen Jian.

Tycoon Lao Meng Khin signed two MoUs on mining and power plant projects with Chinese construction company Erdos Hongjun Investment Company. The two projects are worth roughly $2 billion and are set to break ground in the first quarter of next year, according to documents from China's National Development and Reform Commission. The Chinese firm and Lao Meng Khin have previously been tied to the controversial Boeung Kak lake housing project in Phnom Penh.

Cambodian mobile operator CamGSM also signed an agreement to co-ordinate with Chinese telecommunications company Huawei in building Cambodia's first satellite, according to notes from the meeting.

Royal Group chairman and chief executive Kith Meng told the Post yesterday the project was on track to launch in 2013 and would cost as much as $350 million.

Chinese companies have also shown interest in Cambodia's agricultural produce, signing four agreements aimed at rice exports to the People's Republic.

Eang Sophalleth said on Saturday Prime Minister Hun Sen had appealed to the Chinese delegation to increase its investments in the Cambodian agricultural industry.

In August last year, Hun Sen set a target of one million tonnes of milled-rice exports by 2015.

"The Chinese president and prime minister have made it an incentive to support Cambodia in all fields of national development. This delegat-ion's visit to Cambodia is a response to Cambodia's desire to boost the exportation of rice to China," Eang Sophalleth said.

Chinese firms also signed deals on irrigation development and building roads in the Kingdom.

Experts said yesterday they supported Chinese investment in Cambodia, provided it was properly monitored.

Leopard Capital managing partner Scott Lewis said Chinese investment was a fundamental building block in Cambodia's development and should be applauded.

Development and investment by Chinese companies, however, should not come at the expense of environmental destruction and should be monitored, he said.

"These investments need to be welcomed, but they also need to be regulated," Lewis said.

HANOI, Vietnam (AP) — A Vietnamese state media report says police detained 50 people following an anti-China rally in Hanoi.

It described the weekend gathering as "ridiculous" even though the government has allowed similar protests to take place for two months.

Communist Party newspaper Hanoi Moi said Monday that 47 protesters were taken to police stations Sunday for allegedly attacking authorities. Thirty-nine have been released with a warning while eight remain in custody.

It says three others were detained for allegedly causing a public disturbance.

Protesters have gathered for the past 11 weekends to demand that China stay out of Vietnam's territory amid disputes over areas of the South China Sea. Smaller arrests have previously occurred.

There have been reports that the Gaddafi camp is in talks with South Africa over where Gaddafi will take refuge.

Sources have cited Zimbabwe or Angola as top options.

Tarik Yousef from the Dubai School of Governance told Al Jazeera, "I am of the mind that Gaddafi would want to go to South Africa."

Clashes broke out near Muammar Gaddafi's compound in Tripoli early today, a day after rebels poured into the Libyan capital in a stunning advance which met little resistance from the regime's defenders.

Rebel spokesman Mohammed Abdel-Rahman said government tanks emerged from the complex, known as Bab al-Aziziya, early today and opened fire.

An Associated Press reporter at the nearby Rixos Hotel where foreign journalists stay could hear gunfire and loud explosions from the direction of the complex.

Tripoli resident Moammar al-Warfali, whose family home is next to Bab al-Aziziya, said tanks rolled out from the compound in the early morning after a group of rebels tried to get in.

He said there appeared to be only a few tanks belonging to the remaining Gaddafi forces which have not fled or surrendered.

Bab al-Aziziya, a sprawling compound that has long served as the command centre for the regime, has been heavily damaged by repeated Nato air strikes over the past five months, Mr al-Warfali said.

"When I climb the stairs and look at it from the roof, I see nothing at Bab al-Aziziya," he said. "Nato has demolished it all and nothing remains."

The rebels seized control of most of Tripoli in a lightning advance yesterday, and euphoric residents celebrated in the capital's Green Square, the symbolic heart of the Gaddafi regime.

Gaddafi's defenders quickly melted away as his 42-year rule crumbled, but the leader's whereabouts were unknown and pockets of resistance remained.

Mr Abdel-Rahman, who is in Tripoli with rebel forces, cautioned that Gaddafi troops still pose a threat to rebels, and that as long as Gaddafi remained on the run the "danger is still there".

The startling rebel breakthrough, after a long deadlock in Libya's six-month-old civil war, was the culmination of a closely co-ordinated plan by rebels, Nato and anti-Gaddafi residents inside Tripoli, rebel leaders said.

Rebel fighters from the west swept more than 20 miles (30km) in a matter of hours yesterday, taking town after town and overwhelming a major military base as residents poured out to cheer them. At the same time, Tripoli residents secretly armed by rebels rose up.

By the early hours of today, opposition fighters controlled most of the capital.

The seizure of Green Square held profound symbolic value - the plaza was the scene of pro-Gaddafi rallies organised by the regime almost every night, and Gaddafi delivered speeches to his loyalists from the historic Red Fort which overlooks the square.

Rebels and Tripoli residents set up checkpoints around the city, though pockets of pro-Gaddafi fighters remained. In one area, AP reporters with the rebels were stopped and told to take a different route because of regime snipers nearby.

US President Barack Obama said Libya is "slipping from the grasp of a tyrant" and urged Gaddafi to relinquish power to prevent more bloodshed.

"The future of Libya is now in the hands of the Libyan people," Mr Obama said in a statement from Martha's Vineyard, where he is on holiday. He promised to work closely with rebels.

TRIPOLI (AFP): — 0810 GMT: More from Mohamed Kadhafi's interview with Al Jazeera:

"I was not part of the security or official systems of the government to know what was going on. I think that the lack of reason and wide vision led Libya to where it is now," he said in the interview.

"Our problems were simple. They could have been solved," he said as the crackle of gunfire, which he said was "inside" his home, interrupted his conversation.

0800 GMT: Here's an update of the latest situation in Tripoli this morning as rebels battle for control of the Libyan capital.

-An AFP reporter says heavy fighting is raging this morning near the Moamer Kadhafi's Tripoli compound.

-Fighting has been audible since around 0400 GMT in the south of the capital, where there have been exchanges of heavy weaponry and automatic rifle fire.

-Kadhafis whereabouts are unknown but one of his sons, Seif al-Islam, has been arrested while another, Mohamed Kadhafi was interviewed by Al-Jazeera television cowering in his house, afraid to leave.

0738 GMT: TV reports show Libyan opposition groups hauling down the flag of the Kadhafi regime and installing another flag at the Libyan embassy in the Turkish capital Ankara. NTV television also showed opposition groups tearing down pictures of Kadhafi during the protest.

0726 GMT: The rebel advance deep into Tripoli has sent oil prices tumbling in Asian trade on prospects of Libyan oil production getting fully back on stream.

0648 GMT: The office of the British Prime Minister David Cameron has cut short a trip to Cornwall to return to London to attend a security meeting on Libya early Monday.

0645 GMT: Herve Bar, an AFP reporter in Benghazi, says Tens of thousands of people poured into the streets of the Libya rebel "capital" during the night to celebrate what they believed was the imminent fall of Kadhafi. The streets are jammed with thousands of vehicles, their hazard lights flashing, as people headed for the Corniche, the Mediterranean seaside avenue that is the nerve centre of the six-month-old revolution. From the minarets of mosques, muezzins blared out their shared celebration in prayer.

0628 GMT: A diplomatic source has told AFP that Kadhafi could still be in his Bab Al-Aziziya compound in central Tripoli. Asking not to be identified, Tte source, who met the embattled strongman within the past two weeks, said: "He is still in Tripoli and could be in his residence at Bab Al-Aziziya."

0605 GMT: In a brief phone interview with Al-Jazeera television broadcast Monday morning, one of Kadhafi's sons, Mohamed, said he was holed up in his house, frightened to leave. During the broadcast the sound of intense firing could be heard, interrupting the interview. When it resumed, Kadhafi spoke with a tone of panic. Al-Jazeera gave no indication of where the house is, or even whether it is in Tripoli.

0548 GMT: An AFP reporter says heavy fighting was heard near the Kadhafi residence in central Tripoli. Fighting has also been reported in the south of the capital.

0445 GMT: An AFP reporter said the night was mainly calm in Tripoli although the sound of fighting was heard early on Monday in the south of the capital. By daybreak it was still not clear how much of the capital the rebels controlled.

0433 GMT: Australia?s Prime Minister Julia Gillard has urged Kadhafi to "get out of the way" of the rebellion sweeping his country: "Events are moving very, very quickly but it obviously appears that the rebels are in Tripoli, that the rebels are about to secure Libya overall. ?We continue to call on Colonel Kadhafi to get out of the way, and of course we believe that he should face the international charges that are against him.?

0414 GMT: The Philippine government has warned its nationals in Libya to stay indoors as it arranges a ship to get them out of the country. An estimated 2,000 Filipinos, many medical workers, are still in Libya with about 1,200 in Tripoli and the surrounding suburbs.

0331 GMT: In front of the White House in WashingtonDC, Rania Swadek, a 33-year-old American-Libyan teacher, told our correspondent: ?We want Kadhafi alive to put him on trial for his crimes against humanity for four decades". Children were among those gathered with some wearing white t-shirts with the Libyan flag and "Free Libya".

0227 GMT: AFP correspondent Stéphane Jourdain in Washington DC reports a small crowd has gathered outside the White House waving Libyan flags and singing: "Merci Sarkozy, Merci Sarkozy, thank you Obama, thank you Obama".

0217 GMT: Obama calls on Libyan rebels to respect human rights and move to democracy. The Kadhafi regime is at a "tipping point", he said, urging the Libyan leader to go.

0135 GMT: Witnesses have reported scenes of jubilation in Benghazi, the rebels' bastion in the east, where delirious residents are said to be dancing in the streets and proclaiming the end of the regime of the "tyrant" Kadhafi.

0113 GMT: Mahmud Jibril, a rebel leader has called on police and security forces not to leave their posts and to keep doing their jobs, staying alert to protect the people and their property.

"Today, as we celebrate victory, I appeal to your conscience and to your responsibility: don't get carried away. Do not avenge yourselves, don't pillage, don't insult foreigners and respect the prisoners."

He took particular pains to refer to those close to Kadhafi who might be captured, including his sons and relatives. "Prove that we are up the responsibility to protect them and their lives," he said.

0105 GMT: Libyan senior rebel leader Mahmud Jibril says there are still pockets of resistance in Tripoli from forces loyal to Kadhafi, rebel television Al-Ahrar reports.

0100 GMT: US President Barack Obama, after receiving a briefing from senior national security staffer John Brennan during his seaside vacation, told reporters: "We're going to wait until we have full confirmation of what has happened... I'll make a statement when we do."

0100 GMT: Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, a staunch of ally of Kadhafi, has slammed Western powers for "destroying Tripoli with their bombs". "Today we are seeing images of the democratic governments of Europe, along with the supposedly democratic government of the United States destroying Tripoli with their bombs."

0001 GMT: Welcome to AFP's coverage of the Libya conflict as rebels surge into the capital of Tripoli in a final drive to oust Moamer Kadhafi, seizing swathes of the capital including symbolic Green Square and arresting the strongman's son, Seif al-Islam.

Here's a summary of the situation so far:

- Thousands of residents poured onto the streets to welcome the rebels, congregating at the site which they renamed Martyrs Square near the water front in the centre of Tripoli.

- Libyan government spokesman Mussa Ibrahim told a press conference that 1,300 people have been killed in the rebel assault on the capital, describing the fighting as a "real tragedy."

- In The Hague, the International Criminal Court's prosecutor confirmed that Kadhafi's son Seif al-Islam, for whom the ICC had issued arrest warrants for crimes against humanity, is in detention.

- Rebels have reportedly overrun the eastern suburb of Tajura and boasted that they would seize control of the capital during the night.

- A rebel party took over an army barracks at a western entrance to Tripoli, raiding the stores of missiles and other ammunition, AFP correspondents at the scene said.

- The rebels also released dozens of prisoners held in Maya, 25 kilometres (15 miles) west of Tripoli, AFP correspondents said.

- It is still not clear how much of the capital the rebels have seized, but it appears they have taken over the headquarters of the Libyana mobile telephone company, located in Tajura.

- Libyan rebel leaders said an advance party of fighters had arrived by sea in the capital early Sunday and joined sleeper cells of rebels to launch the final drive, codenamed "Mermaid."

- Another rebel force advanced on the capital from the west, moving in a convoy of around 100 vehicles as onlookers fired celebratory gunfire into the air, an AFP correspondent said.

Mrs Sukumol made a good start when she dealt with the issue of Cambodia's listing of the Royal Ballet of Cambodia and the Sbek Thom Khmer shadow theatre on Unesco's list of intangible cultural heritage. She did not blindly switch into nationalistic mode when a forwarded email accusing Phnom Penh of "stealing the Thai heritage" was circulated. The minister explained that the listing had nothing to do with intellectual property or copyright issues and vowed to consult all relevant agencies about the matter before making any move. She also commented that "it is normal for countries in the same region to share similar cultural traits".

Good afternoon ladies and gentlemen, my name is Bunkhean Chhun. I'm a high school teacher from Minneapolis, Minnesota, USA. I'm honoured to speak to you today. This is my first trip to Sydney. It is a vibrant city. I wish winter in Minnesota was like here, sunny and 20 degree. My topic today is the "Right to Education in Cambodia"

The Cambodian Constitution from 1993 states in Article 65 that:

The State shall protect and upgrade citizens' rights to quality education at all levels and shall take necessary steps for quality education to reach all citizens.

The State shall respect physical education and sports for the welfare of all Khmer citizens.

This afternoon we will look at some facts on why the Cambodian government failed to provide a quality education to Cambodian students.

First, a shortage of schools and classrooms, particularly in rural areas, limit the number of children who have access to a basic education.

Although most Cambodian villages have a primary school, many schools are still incomplete, meaning they do not offer a full grade 1-6 curriculum. Getting to a school where students can complete upper primary grades may mean traveling far distances from home, which is not always possible.

Access to secondary schools becomes even more difficult: only 5.4% of Cambodian villages have a lower secondary school and only 2% have an upper secondary school.

Second, poverty forces children to give up school to support their families' most basic needs. Some families cannot afford the opportunity cost of sending their children to school. The time their children would spend in class translates to lost time the children could be contributing to the family income. Common work for Cambodian children includes fieldwork, tending to cows, collecting recyclables, begging, fishing, and construction work.

The International Labor Organization estimates that nearly 20% of children ages 5-9 are involved in child labor; the percentage rises to 47% for children ages 10-14 and 34% for ages 15-17. Of the working children ages 5 to 17, only 45% attend school.

Third, low compensation forces teachers to collect informal school fees from students creating a barrier to education for poor children.

To supplement their salaries, teachers collect informal school fees from students, usually $0.02 - $0.05 per day.

Although this may sound like pocket change, to a Cambodian family with five or more school-aged children, it is a substantial amount of money.

Although the Cambodian government has pledged free education, informal school fees keep many poor children from attending school.

Until 2005, there were minimal requirements for teachers to get a contract position with the government.

Many teachers, particularly in remote areas, had not even completed a secondary education.

A fast-growing young population meant that establishing minimum qualifications would exacerbate Cambodia's severe teacher shortage. The shortage contributes to high student-teacher ratios, putting 40-50 students in an average-sized primary school class. The combination of poorly trained teachers and high student-teacher ratios contribute to high grade-repeat rates.

In Siem Reap province alone, 12% of primary school students failed to advance to the next grade level at the end of the 2006-07 school year.

Also, the lack of school resources and little government funding lead to insufficient teaching material and school facilities.

The Cambodian government only pledges $1.50 - $1.75 per student per year to each primary school for teaching materials and school operating costs.

The funding is often insufficient for even the school's most basic needs, leaving teachers to buy things like chalk with their personal money.

As we all know, education is a ticket out of poverty. The Cambodian government has done their job very poorly to educate their own young citizens. As a result poorly educated young citizens deny their rights to a good quality education. It means the gap between the rich and the poor becomes wider and wider.

This practice is totally opposite from the policy the Cambodian government has pledged: to eliminate poverty in the future.

There are many factors which contribute to poverty. One big factor we know for sure that contributes to poverty is education. Therefore Cambodian government must stop their irresponsible practices. They must provide quality education to all young citizens. After all the future will be in young people hands.

In closing I thank you very much for your time. May peace be with you!