KI Media: “Cambodia and tropical fascism” plus 21 more |
- Cambodia and tropical fascism
- Cambodge et fascisme tropical
- Report of the SRP-Europe Seminar
- Kickbacks to Ruling Party Spurs Corruption: Analyst
- More Inmates Crammed Into Overcrowded Prisons
- Soul Food
- Convention on the Right of the Child
- ECCC Law
- Cambodia's rocky road to stock market launch
- Shares Needed as Cambodia Gets a Stock Exchange
- 1400 arrested in Malaysia rally
- BN slammed for ‘feudal politics’ [-What happens in Malaysia is NO DIFFERENT from Cambodia]
- Soul-searching for Malaysia post-Bersih rally
- Malaysia gov't fights criticism after rally chaos
- Protester dies, Malaysia frees 1,600 demonstators
- Sheen Comes Off Khmer Rouge Trial [-TRAVESTY of justice by the UN in collusion with Hun Xen?]
- "L'morm Chha'Aet Hoeuy!" a Poem in Khmer by Achar Touch
- 8,000 Cambodians to work in Thailand under bilateral deal
- Thai troops on alert near Cambodian border
- Small tsunami reaches Japan after major quake
- Politiktoons No. 167: The Drivers
- "www.forkh.com" - A website dedicated to Khmer Songs
| Posted: 10 Jul 2011 05:05 PM PDT Thursday, July 7, 2011 By Sam Rainsy Liberation (France) Unofficial translation by Tola Ek The French Prime Minister was on official visit to Cambodia last weekend. He first talked about economy and globalization with Hun Sen, his Cambodian counterpart who is in power for the past quarter of a century. Next, along with King Norodom Sihamoni, he attended the reopening ceremony of Baphuon, a majestic Angkor temple rebuilt under the direction of the French School of Far East. But NO, Mr. Prime Minister, the future of Cambodia is not just about restoring the Angkor site and the management of the frustrations of western entrepreneurs. The speech given by France is not up to par with the serious shortcomings of democracy in Cambodia, in particular, the continuing violation of civil freedoms. Yet it was that violation that initiated the 1991 Paris Agreements which allowed the return of peace and the beginning of reconstruction [in Cambodia]. But since then, the Phnom Penh regime has continued to drift away from the "liberal and plural democracy" which is guaranteed by the above national reconciliation agreements. I still remember the premonitions by our former king: One day in 1994, while I was the Finance minister, I was meeting face to face with Norodom Sihanouk then-king of Cambodia, at the Royal Palace in Phnom Penh, who confided to me: "I'm afraid to see that, one day, I will face the same fate as the last king of Italy." Then he went on to remind me that, following World War II, the Italians rejected the monarchy because they blamed Victor Emmanuel III of being too weak toward Mussolini. Beyond his concern for the future of the monarchy, Norodom Sihanouk implicitly compared Hun Sen, the strongman of Cambodia, to Mussolini and he already foresaw the danger of the shift of the [Phnom Penh] regime towards fascism. It was indeed a Cambodia plunged into totalitarian drift that the French prime minister had to discover during his trip. Of course, they certainly repeated to him that the Khmer Rouge communism is a thing of the past. With the restoration of the monarchy, the restoration of religion and the triumphant return of capitalism, the country had a nice transition. But at what cost? Behind a fake façade of democracy, the French Prime Minister could take a peek into a dummy National Assembly where protesting MPs are sentenced to jail or exile through of a make believe justice ordered by the ruling executive, or he could take a peek at the tampered elections which allowed Hun Sen to remain in power for as long as Gaddafi in Libya, Ali Abdullah Saleh in Yemen or Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe. However, the [Phnom Penh] regime also displays many other traits common to fascism just as Sihanouk feared. A cult of personality is devoted to Hun Sen, a former Khmer Rouge who grasps all the powers in his hands. The police state which dated from the communist era remains the regime's pillar with its share of murders, jailing and other human rights violations. The weak king kept his silence in front of increasing power abuses. The pervasive religion serves as a drug for the people while the high-ranking clergy is invariably supported by the state in order to justify an infinitely unjust order. The economic system is based on wild capitalism where wealth is linked to political power whereas labor unions are severely repressed and their leaders persecuted and murdered, such were the cases of Chea Vichea, Ros Sovannareth and Hy Vuthy. It is this fascism under a tropical hue that keeps the country in deep poverty and risks leading it to chaos as a farmer revolution rumbles due to unrelenting land confiscations. Cambodia should learn the lessons from the recent events in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya. The government has a duty to seek to understand the suffering and the anger of the people in order to avoid a violent revolution. It is up to France and friends of Cambodia to convince Hun Sen to prepare himself for an alternative. They must also constantly remind [Cambodia] about the Paris agreements that serve to support the reconstruction effort in my country. Hopefully, on October 23, the day of the twentieth anniversary of the signing of these priceless agreements in 1991, all Cambodians will joyfully attend to the restoration of the democratic process, a sine qua non condition to any progress.  | ||||
| Posted: 10 Jul 2011 05:03 PM PDT Jeudi 7 Juillet 2011, Par Sam Rainsy Libération Le Premier ministre français était en visite officielle au Cambodge ce week-end. Il a d'abord parlé économie et mondialisation avec Hun Sen, son homologue cambodgien au pouvoir depuis plus d'un quart de siècle. Puis, aux côtés du roi Norodom Sihamoni, il a assisté à la cérémonie de la réouverture du Baphuon, majestueux temple d'Angkor reconstruit sous la direction de l'Ecole française d'extrême-orient. Mais «Non !» monsieur le Premier ministre, l'avenir du Cambodge ne se résume pas à la restauration du site d'Angkor et à la gestion des frustrations des entrepreneurs occidentaux. Le discours de la France n'est pas à la hauteur des graves carences de la démocratie cambodgienne, et notamment de la violation continue des libertés publiques. Pourtant, c'est elle qui est à l'origine des accords de Paris de 1991, lesquels ont permis le retour de la paix et le début de la reconstruction. Mais, depuis, le régime de Phnom Penh n'a cessé de s'écarter de la «démocratie libérale et pluraliste» garantie par ces accords de réconciliation nationale. Je me souviens des propos prémonitoires de notre ancien roi. Un jour de 1994, j'étais face à Norodom Sihanouk au Palais royal de Phnom Penh. Il était alors roi du Cambodge, j'étais ministre des Finances. Il me fit cette confidence : «J'ai bien peur de connaître un jour le même sort que le dernier roi d'Italie.» Et il me rappela qu'au lendemain de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, les Italiens avaient rejeté la monarchie parce qu'ils reprochaient à Victor-Emmanuel III sa trop grande faiblesse envers Mussolini. Au-delà de son souci pour l'avenir de la monarchie, Norodom Sihanouk comparait implicitement Hun Sen, l'homme fort du Cambodge, à Mussolini et il pressentait déjà le danger d'un glissement du régime vers le fascisme. Car c'est effectivement un Cambodge en pleine dérive totalitaire que le Premier ministre français a dû découvrir lors de son voyage. Certes, on lui a certainement répété que le communisme des Khmers rouges appartenait au passé. Avec la restauration de la monarchie, le rétablissement de la religion et le retour triomphant du capitalisme, le pays vivrait une belle transition. Mais à quel prix ? Derrière une façade démocratique trompeuse, le Premier ministre français a pu entrevoir une Assemblée nationale factice où les députés contestataires sont condamnés à la prison ou à l'exil, une justice spectacle aux ordres de l'exécutif, ou encore des élections trafiquées ayant permis à Hun Sen de rivaliser en durée au pouvoir avec Kadhafi en Libye, Ali Abdullah Saleh au Yémen ou Robert Mugabe au Zimbabwe. Mais le régime présente maintes autres caractéristiques teintées du fascisme que craignait Norodom Sihanouk. Un véritable culte de la personnalité auréole l'ancien Khmer rouge Hun Sen, qui concentre tous les pouvoirs entre ses mains. L'Etat policier de l'époque communiste demeure le pilier du régime, avec son lot d'assassinats, d'emprisonnements, et autres violations des droits de l'homme. Le roi faible reste silencieux face aux abus de pouvoir toujours plus graves. La religion omniprésente est l'opium du peuple et le haut clergé est invariablement soutenu par l'Etat pour justifier un ordre infiniment injuste. Le système économique est fondé sur un capitalisme sauvage, où les grosses fortunes sont associées au pouvoir politique, tandis que les syndicats ouvriers sont durement réprimés et leurs chefs pourchassés ou assassinés, tels Chea Vichea, Ros Sovannareth ou Hy Vuthy. C'est ce fascisme aux couleurs tropicales qui maintient le pays dans une misère profonde et qui risque de le mener au chaos, car la révolte paysanne gronde face aux confiscations incessantes de terres. Le Cambodge doit retenir la leçon des événements récents en Tunisie, en Egypte et en Libye. Le gouvernement a le devoir de chercher à comprendre les souffrances et la colère du peuple afin d'éviter une révolution violente. C'est à la France et aux amis du Cambodge de convaincre Hun Sen de préparer l'alternance. Et de rappeler sans cesse les accords de Paris pour soutenir l'œuvre de reconstruction de mon pays. Espérons que le 23 octobre, jour du vingtième anniversaire de la signature de ces inestimables accords de 1991, tous les Cambodgiens auront la joie d'assister au rétablissement du processus démocratique, condition sine qua non pour tout autre progrès.  | ||||
| Report of the SRP-Europe Seminar Posted: 10 Jul 2011 03:15 PM PDT | ||||
| Kickbacks to Ruling Party Spurs Corruption: Analyst Posted: 10 Jul 2011 02:39 PM PDT
Click on the control below to listen to the audio program: Friday, 08 July 2011 Men Kimseng, VOA Khmer | Washington
A high number of civil servants are "trapped" in their allegiance to the ruling party, forcing them into acts of corruption in order to keep their jobs, a leading Cambodian analyst said Thursday. Lao Mong Hay, a longtime political analyst and former researcher for the Asian Human Rights Commission, told "Hello VOA" that public employees have to contribute money to the Cambodian People's Party and work to expand grassroots support, an expensive endeavor that is difficult to maintain on a legitimate salary. "This is a mechanism that breeds corruption," he said. "Based on their salaries, they are not able to afford [such contributions]. Therefore, they have to find extra sources of income, which means accepting bribes or embezzling from the national budget." While there is nothing wrong with joining a political party or being politically active, a party should not demand anything more than a membership contribution, he said. Everyday Cambodians complain of rampant corruption within the public sector, where bribes are required for nearly any public service. Opposition party supporters say conditions are even worse for them, if they are identified by ruling party members. Government spokesman Phay Siphan said people can issue complaints against civil servants who discriminate or ask for bribes. However, Lao Mong Hay said a nationwide complaint system should be in place, making it easy for people to file complaints and making it clear when they should expect results. "I've heard a lot of complaining about the system, but it seems not to be working out, and people end up taking their protests to the streets," he said.  | ||||
| More Inmates Crammed Into Overcrowded Prisons Posted: 10 Jul 2011 02:21 PM PDT The number of Cambodians in prisons across the country surpassed 15,000 in the last year, a major bump in a system that is nearly twice its capacity, Licadho reported Friday. Friday, 08 July 2011 Chun Sakada, VOA Khmer | Phnom Penh
The number of Cambodians in prisons across the country surpassed 15,000 in the last year, a major bump in a system that is nearly twice its capacity, a leading rights group reported Friday. An inmate in many of the country's prisons typically gets about one square meter of space, in facilities that are "bursting at the seams," Licadho reported, and where people have to take turns sleeping in overcrowded cells. The addition of 1,700 prisoners to the system over the last year marked a 12 percent increase overall, the group said in a report. "Today, the prison occupancy stands at 179 percent," the report said. "And that's a conservative figure, given increasing evidence that some capacity figures are grossly inflated." Imprisonment is often imposed for a crime, "from stealing a chicken to murder," Licadho said. At least 12 prisons are at or near double capacity, the report said. Pung Chhiv Kek, Licadho's founder, said Cambodian prisons are far below the international standard. In Europe, each prisoner has a four-meter-square cell. In Cambodia's prisons, that space is as low as .8 square meters, she said. Kuy Bun Sorn, head of the Ministry of Interior's prison department, said he recognized the problem, but he said the overcrowding was due to the stronger enforcement of laws. Prisons are being expanded "continuously," he said, "but the construction is not balanced with the strengthening of law." The International Center for Prison Studies rates Cambodia's prisons as one of top 25 most overcrowded. However, some work is under way to improve conditions. The Australian government provides some funding to improve prisons, including the fencing of outdoor areas to allow inmates more space and time outside. In Prey Veng province, a construction project for three large buildings is under way, Kuy Bun Sorn said, but even that won't be enough for the expected increase of prisoners.  | ||||
| Posted: 10 Jul 2011 01:46 PM PDT With the gift of listening comes the gift of healing, because listening to your brothers or sisters until they have said the last words in their hearts is healing and consoling. Someone has said that it is possible "to listen a person's soul into existence". I like that. - Catherine de Hueck Doherty  | ||||
| Convention on the Right of the Child Posted: 10 Jul 2011 01:43 PM PDT Convention on the Rights of the Child Ratified by UNGA in Nov. 1989, entered into force 1990 Cambodia ratified this Convention on October 15, 1992 PART IArticle 17States Parties recognize the important function performed by the mass media and shall ensure that the child has access to information and material from a diversity of national and international sources, especially those aimed at the promotion of his or her social, spiritual and moral well-being and physical and mental health. To this end, States Parties shall: (a) Encourage the mass media to disseminate information and material of social and cultural benefit to the child and in accordance with the spirit of article 29; (b) Encourage international co-operation in the production, exchange and dissemination of such information and material from a diversity of cultural, national and international sources; (c) Encourage the production and dissemination of children's books; (d) Encourage the mass media to have particular regard to the linguistic needs of the child who belongs to a minority group or who is indigenous; (e) Encourage the development of appropriate guidelines for the protection of the child from information and material injurious to his or her well-being, bearing in mind the provisions of articles 13 and 18.  | ||||
| Posted: 10 Jul 2011 09:44 AM PDT Law on the Establishment of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia for the Prosecution of Crimes Committed During the Period of Democratic Kampuchea ("ECCC Law") the inclusion of amendments as promulgated on 27 October 2004 CHAPTER X Article 36 new The Extraordinary Chamber of the Supreme Court shall decide appeals made by the accused, the victims, or the Co-Prosecutors against the decision of the Extraordinary Chamber of the trial court. In this case, the Supreme Court Chamber shall make final decisions on both issues of law and fact, and shall not return the case to the Extraordinary Chamber of the trial court.  | ||||
| Cambodia's rocky road to stock market launch Posted: 10 Jul 2011 09:36 AM PDT Share prices will be quoted in riels, trades may be settled in dollars 10 July 2011 By Guy De Launey BBC News, Phnom Penh
As anyone who has ever travelled by road in Cambodia will confirm, the way can be long, bumpy and punctuated by unexpected hazards. It could be a collapsed bridge, wandering cattle or a bunch of disgruntled farmers causing the blockage. So, perhaps it is only fitting that the road to the launch of the Cambodian Securities Exchange has been anything but smooth. A succession of putative launch dates has whizzed by over the past few years. Each time, the authorities conceded that their ambition to set up a stock market was not matched by the readiness of companies to list or the availability of essential personnel to make the trades. Then in late 2010, just as momentum was building again, the exchange had its collapsed bridge moment. The South Korean developer of the site of the new stock market was dragged into the Busan Bank corruption scandal. That brought construction work to an abrupt halt - and the exchange suddenly found itself homeless. This was a stroke of luck for the owners of Cambodia's tallest building, the Canadia Bank tower, who had been struggling to find tenants willing to make the move from their homely offices in low-rise villas. The exchange secured space in the tower and the government declared it would launch "at all costs" in July. As it turns out, this means opening a stock market without any companies actually being listed or having shares available to trade. A number have expressed their intention to float, but that will be, at the very least, several months away. Dry run In other ways, the exchange is ready to go. In a happier example of a South Korean connection, the government brought in the Korea Exchange as a joint-venture partner, providing the much-needed expertise and training. And more than a dozen securities firms are licensed to make trades - including companies from Japan, Malaysia and Taiwan, as well as local concerns. "In Laos, they did exactly the same thing," says Morten Kvammen, managing partner of one of the licensed securities firms, Cambodia Capital. "They had an opening in November 2010 and started trading in early 2011. We expect trading here to take place towards the end of the year." Mr Kvammen says the months before then will not be wasted. There will be an opportunity for the exchange, brokers and banks to make sure their IT systems are compatible. Any problems should become apparent with mock trades, rather than the real thing. Companies will use the time to prepare marketing material for potential investors and make sure they meet the regulatory requirements of the exchange. Mr Kvammen says that that while the process has taken longer than expected, the essential pieces are now in place. "They are bringing in their experts from Korea, who have been running the same platform for years. We brokers are also bringing in experts and training people. It is not just a bunch of Cambodians making it up as they go along." Several state-owned companies are planning to list, including the Phnom Penh Water Authority, which has won international awards for the cleanliness of its supply. Priced right? Among the privately held companies moving towards a listing are the Royal Group - which has interests in telecoms and banking - and the country's largest retail bank, Acleda. It began as a micro-finance operation, but now has branches in virtually every dusty, provincial town in Cambodia. Morten Kvammen's enthusiasm for Acleda - "a half-billion-dollar capitalisation" - is shared by Scott Lewis, the managing partner of Leopard Capital, which has made a pre-IPO investment in the bank. But he warns that Cambodian companies of the same quality are thin on the ground. "The potential risk is that it is too early," he says. "There are some good big companies here, but not more than you can count on two hands. "It is like Eastern Europe - will all the stocks of any size migrate to bigger exchanges? You get one chance to get people's interest and if it doesn't go well, it is hard to recover." Another question is whether the exchange's decision to price stocks in Cambodian riel, rather than US dollars, will backfire. It is an attempt by the authorities to bolster the local currency. But it may make the exchange a less attractive proposition to international investors. Allowing trades to be settled in dollars for the first three years of the exchange's operation may alleviate investor anxiety. And so may the widespread dollarisation of the Cambodian economy, with about four-fifths of transactions made in the US currency. A street-side currency exchange worker at Phnom Penh's Old Market shrugged when told of the plans to list stocks in riel. "Dollars, riel - it is all the same to me," she said, pointing to the exchange rate, which has barely shifted for more than a decade. If the exchange is to be a success, international investors will have to be persuaded to feel the same way.  | ||||
| Shares Needed as Cambodia Gets a Stock Exchange Posted: 10 Jul 2011 09:31 AM PDT July 10, 2011 By SIMON MARKS The New York Times PHNOM PENH — Having experienced more than a decade of economic growth after years of civil unrest and political disorder, Cambodia is set to open its stock market Monday, a move the government hopes will attract more investors to this country's small and developing economy. But there is a stumbling block: Cambodia has no companies that are ready to go public. And the lack of preparedness among local businesses reflects a broader uncertainty about the country's capacity to adapt to the challenges of operating financial markets. The introduction of an exchange would add sophistication to the Cambodian economy and potentially help to wean it off its dependence on the dollar. But in a society where claims of corruption are common and laws often weakly implemented, critics say there are concerns over whether market regulators are capable of enforcing rules on issues like corporate governance and accounting and trading standards. "Cambodia's market regulator will have all the necessary laws to tackle crime, ensure good governance and create a decent, law-abiding exchange," said Lee In-pyo, senior manager of the derivatives market division at the Korea Exchange, which has a 45 percent stake in the Cambodia Securities Exchange, with the government owning the remaining 55 percent. "But given Cambodia's common practices, culture, and experience, full implementation of the law will be very difficult." Korea Exchange signed a venture agreement with the Cambodian government in March 2009 as part of wider plans to expand throughout the region. Keat Chhon, the country's finance minister, will be the chairman of the Securities and Exchange Commission of Cambodia. So far only three state-owned enterprises have announced their intention to list on the Cambodia Securities Exchange: Telecom Cambodia, Phnom Penh Water Supply Authority and Sihanoukville Autonomous Port. Han Kyung-tae, managing director for Tong Yang Securities, which is preparing the initial public offerings for Telecom Cambodia and Phnom Penh Water, said the two companies still needed work to make sure they were compliant with market regulations. Mr. Han said the two were hoping to be ready to list by the end of the year at the earliest. SBI Phnom Penh Securities, which is preparing the initial public offering for Sihanoukville Autonomous Port, did not respond to requests for comment. Still, with the Cambodian economy having rebounded from a 2 percent contraction in 2009 during the global financial crisis to experience growth in gross domestic product of 6.7 percent in 2010, according to the World Bank, economists say the exchange could help bring more capital into the economy. In a country where the total number of loans in the banking system accounts for 30 percent of gross domestic product, compared with nearly 100 percent in Thailand and Vietnam, there is plenty of room for an influx of funds. "It's a very good time for Cambodia to introduce a stock market," said Hiroshi Suzuki, chief economist for the Business Research Institute of Cambodia. Cambodia has its own currency, the riel, but the economy essentially functions on the dollar, with 90 percent of deposits and credit in the banking system denominated in dollars. This restricts the tools available to the central bank for cooling or stimulating the economy and inflation. While all stock quotations on the Cambodian exchange are to be in riel, the dollar can be used to buy shares for the first three years of the bourse. After that, the central bank, which issues the riel, will have more influence on the money circulating in the domestic financial system, making the Cambodian economy less dependent on the dollar. Morten Kvammen, founding partner at Cambodia Capital, a corporate advisory and investment firm and one of seven licensed underwriters in Cambodia, said the attractiveness of the market in Cambodia went far beyond that of the Lao Securities Exchange, which after six months of trading has just two state-owned companies trading stock. "We think volume will build very quickly, and we could have up to or maybe more than 10 companies listed in the first year of trading," he said. Mr. Kvammen noted that while Laos had licensed two companies capable of underwriting and brokering, Cambodia had 13 doing the same thing. Still, Cambodia has ranked near the bottom of Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions index for years. And some people in Cambodia are all too aware of the risks that could come along with a stock market, saying that it could act as a tool to further benefit the country's elite. "We live in a culture where there is no rule of law," said Tioulong Saumura, a lawmaker for the opposition Sam Rainsy Party and former vice governor of the National Bank of Cambodia. "No doubt it is easy to adopt a good regulation — copy it down yourself and come up with something on paper that looks good." Hang Chuon Naron, secretary of state at the Ministry of Finance, said that enforcing high regulatory standards depended upon not only the government, but also issuers and investors. He said that bringing a stock market to Cambodia would be a "learning process" for everyone involved and that it could take up to five years to ensure all the necessary standards are met. Analysts often draw cautionary lessons from the Ho Chi Minh Stock Exchange, formerly known as the Ho Chi Minh City Trading Center, when it opened in Vietnam in 2000. Trading was slow to take off and only a handful of companies were listed after five years of trading. Then in 2005, as the world economy was enjoying a period of sustained growth, speculation brought in a plethora of companies and investors. The Ho Chi Minh index jumped from 100 points in 2000 to about 1,000 points in early 2007. But by early 2009, the market had dropped to below 300 points as investors pulled out in the wake of the global financial crisis. "I think it is going to be a steep learning curve, not only for the fund managers but also for the locals," said Sany Zainudin, a fund manager at MIDF Amanah Asset Management in Kuala Lumpur, who was one of 32 regional fund managers who arrived in Cambodia in November to learn about the country's legal framework with a view to investing in the market. Economists also say that many Cambodian companies with the financial clout to be able to list are completely unaccustomed to the financial benefits associated with a stock market, as they are used to a culture of running businesses as family outfits. "They don't like to see some part of the stock sold to others," said Mr. Suzuki, the economist. Mr. Suzuki said he expected some of Cambodia's larger telecommunication companies like Mobitel, as well as some of the bigger local banks, to be among the first private companies to list. As was the case in Vietnam, Mr. Suzuki said, securities firms would probably spend years trying to persuade companies to list. "How to increase the number of these companies will be the hardest job," he said.  | ||||
| 1400 arrested in Malaysia rally Posted: 10 Jul 2011 12:45 AM PDT http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=F97SDkkQ9c8&feature=player_embedded  | ||||
| BN slammed for ‘feudal politics’ [-What happens in Malaysia is NO DIFFERENT from Cambodia] Posted: 10 Jul 2011 12:40 AM PDT  Athi Shankar Free Malaysia Today The abuse of public institutions to protect the regime's interest is corruption under the current law, says Ong Bon Keng of the Malaysian Election Observers Network. GEORGE TOWN: Political activist Ong Boon Keng has accused Barisan Nasional of committing corruption by abusing public institutions to protect its interest. Ong, a coordinator of the Malaysian Election Observers Network and one of the persons barred from sections of Kuala Lumpur yesterday, said the ruling coalition had broken the "unwritten social contract between the ruling party of the day and the electorate" in its failure to administer the public apparatus according to the rule of law and democratic norms. He said BN, especially its dominant partner Umno, was practising outdated feudal politics despite "growing demands for people-orientated reforms". "By using, misusing and abusing the public apparatus for their selfish interests, the ruling party is guilty of corruption" under current legislation, he said. He recalled that Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim was jailed for such an offence 10 years ago. He called the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission a "lame duck" and rebuked it for not acting against the "blatant misuse of public apparatus to violate the people's rights". "MACC should act against this absolute corrupt act," he said. Ong is among the 91 people barred by court order from entering various areas in Kuala Lumpur for the Bersih rally. He said the order was "unfair and unjust" since it was obtained without providing any opportunity to the affected people to defend themselves in an open hearing. Thus, he added, the court had "severely violated" the constitutional rights of citizens. "It's a mockery of the doctrine of rule of law when a rightful citizen is refused entry into the federal capital," he said. "It's clear that Umno politicians are keen to misuse and abuse any public means to protect their regime's interests." Ong attended the Bersih rally in Kuala Lumpur yesterday.  | ||||
| Soul-searching for Malaysia post-Bersih rally Posted: 10 Jul 2011 12:33 AM PDT Jul 10, 2011 By Yong Yen Nie AsianCorrespondent.com In the morning of July 10, 2011, Petaling Street- the Chinatown of Kuala Lumpur- is once again bustling with activities. In local coffeeshops, families sit around one another, while enjoying a typical Cantonese breakfast of fried noodles and sipping hot cups of kopi-O, or local black coffee with sugar, as part of their Sunday routine. If there were any indication that more than 50,000 Malaysians have marched on the same street seeking for free and fair elections, well, there are none. There are no reports of public property damage and any trash left by the prostestors are quickly cleaned up by themselves. The march on July 9, known as the BERSIH 2.0 rally, has gone down to history as the country's largest demonstration to-date. It is also, as many Malaysians have observed; the most multi-racial one. In a country whereby its political system is largely race-based, this is a big piece of news to the nation. Political activists and analysts believe that BERSIH's largest success is not just its ability to draw a compelling number of citizens to join in the rally on July 9, but also created awareness to the public on nation-centric issues that involve Malaysians regardless of creed or color. Despite a 22-hour clampdown in the city and crackdown on BERSIH that saw the arrests of more than 200 individuals before the rally was held, an estimate of more than 50,000 people were out on the streets in Kuala Lumpur waving Malaysian flags and chanting "Hidup Rakyat" (Long Live the People) as they tried to make their way to the Independence Stadium, which was the main meeting point of the rally. "We are at the turning point of democracy and a maturing Malaysian society," says Wong Chin Huat, a political activist and member of the steering committee of BERSIH, which is made up of a coalition of 62 non-governmental organizations in the country. BERSIH, which means 'clean' in the Malay language, had its first rally in 2007 with about 50,000 turnout. The rally became a bellweather of Malaysian politics and was seen as one of the factors that caused the ruling coalition, the National Front, to lose five states to the opposition parties, and be denied two-thirds majority of votes. Ambiga Sreenevasan, the head of BERSIH 2.0 steering committee and attorney, says BERSIH 2.0 was formed because of the extensive reports and evidences found on vote-buying and rigging during the Sarawak state elections held in April 2011. "We are not making any headway into any kind of reform to the country's electoral process. If you want to enjoy public confidence, you have to make a stand," she says in a foreign press briefing two days before the rally. Nevertheless, the ruling government sees BERSIH 2.0 as a head-on clash and defiance by the people, although the organizers have repeatedly denied that the purpose of the rally was anti-government. The crackdown on the rally was most stark on the day itself, which saw the arrests of 1,667 individuals, including minors. Ambiga and several politicians were also among those that were arrested. Meanwhile, on the streets of Kuala Lumpur, police fired tear gas and used water cannons with chemical-laced water at the demonstrators to stop the march. In some instances, the scene turned ugly when the police were caught on tape firing tear gas into a hospital where some 1,000 demonstrators were taking refuge. One man died after he had a seizure but citizens reported that the police refused to remove the cable that was binding his hands. In the aftermath of the rally, mainstream media also played down the event, with some saying that turnout for the rally was insignificant, while others put the blame on the demonstrators for the chaos in the city. Now that the rally is over, a relevant question post-BERSIH is, what's next? For BERSIH, as of yesterday, it has yet to submit its memorandum to the King, although the organizing committee has pledged to keep pushing for an overhaul in the country's electoral system. On the other hand, the government may now have some soul-searching to do. The crackdown on BERSIH, if anything, does the most damage to the current administration, led by Prime Minister, Najib Razak. Najib has openly criticized the rally and denied BERSIH the permit to hold the rally, although BERSIH had already been given the greenlight from the King. Had Najib dealt with the situation differently, he could have garnered support from among the demonstrators for being a reformist, compared with his Malay peers; and the rally might not have enjoyed as much prominence. With the BERSIH 2.0 rally likely to stay etch on voters' minds for some time, Najib may now have to rely even more on the United Malays National Organization (UMNO)- the party that he is leading- to consolidate his power within the party than to win new votes among the people. And he has started doing so, by giving a fiery speech denouncing the BERSIH rally the day after. Najib is likely to still stand a good chance within UMNO and rural votes as well as from East Malaysia, but this is becoming more of a case of him winning the war, but losing the battle. What is most ironic out of this rally is that, BERSIH has managed to unite Malaysians that Saturday in the name of love and justice for the country- a feat that Najib's 1Malaysia campaign is still trying to achieve.  | ||||
| Malaysia gov't fights criticism after rally chaos Posted: 10 Jul 2011 12:27 AM PDT
07.10.11 By SEAN YOONG Associated Press KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia -- Malaysian authorities sought Sunday to deflect criticism that the government was suppressing dissent after making mass arrests and unleashing tear gas against at least 20,000 demonstrators who marched for electoral reforms. The political fallout from rare scenes of mayhem in Kuala Lumpur is certain to complicate efforts by Prime Minister Najib Razak's ruling coalition to bolster its support ahead of general elections that many expect to be held within a year. International rights groups and Malaysian opposition parties denounced the government's response to the country's largest political rally in four years, which resulted in the arrest of 1,667 people Saturday. All were freed without immediate charges by Sunday. Amnesty International called it "the worst campaign of repression we've seen in (Malaysia) for years," while Human Rights Watch said it was "a maelstrom of the Malaysian authorities' own making." Najib's declaration that the rally was unlawful and repeated warnings over the past month for people to avoid it have sparked criticism that his National Front coalition wants to extend its 54-year rule by ensuring that election policies favor the government. The coalition's mandate expires in mid-2013 but many expect national polls by next year. The rally was organized by civic groups backed by opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim's three-party alliance. They were urging authorities to clean up voter registration lists, implement stricter measures to curb electoral fraud and allow fair access to the government-linked media for all parties. Anwar's alliance said a 59-year-old member died from a heart attack during the rally, though police denied opposition allegations that he was hit by tear gas. Anwar himself was hospitalized overnight because of a knee injury after slipping when police tried to break up his group. Home Minister Hishammuddin Hussein insisted in a statement received Sunday that the demonstrators sought to "create chaos in this country and hoped to be arrested in order to portray the government as cruel." Hishammuddin praised police, saying they performed their duties with "bravery, fairness and integrity" while confronting what he called provocative actions by protesters. He also claimed authorities over the past week discovered hidden stashes of weapons, homemade firebombs and other dangerous items that protesters might have used. The minister's statement contrasted sharply with narratives by participants, who said they were marching peacefully to a stadium from various parts of downtown Kuala Lumpur when riot police repeatedly fired tear gas and chemical-laced water and charged at them to make arrests. Anwar said the crackdown showed the "extent of desperation of brutal action approved by Prime Minister Najib." Many demonstrators posted photos on Twitter and Facebook that they claimed were evidence of police brutality, including tear gas canisters apparently lobbed into a hospital compound where protesters sought shelter. The prime minister criticized the protesters late Saturday, saying they wanted to project "the impression that Malaysia had no political stability and exploit the issue as much as possible." Government-linked media said numerous businesses suffered because stores and restaurants closed because of public transport disruptions and fears of violence. Protest organizers had no immediate plans for similar rallies. But Amnesty International urged the U.S. government to speak out against how Malaysian authorities handled Saturday's event, saying Washington's "credibility and effectiveness on human rights in the region" would suffer if it stays silent. "Such silence will give (the) green light to other governments that they too can brutally suppress peaceful protests," Amnesty official T. Kumar said in a statement.  | ||||
| Protester dies, Malaysia frees 1,600 demonstators Posted: 09 Jul 2011 11:55 PM PDT
10/07/2011 AFP News agency A man who took part in weekend protests in Kuala Lumpur demanding electoral reforms in Malaysia died due to breathing difficulties during the rally, the opposition said Sunday. News of the death came as authorities said they have freed hundreds of people arrested when riot police dispersed the protesters with volleys of tear gas and water cannons on Saturday. The opposition Democratic Action Party (DAP) identified the dead man as Baharuddin Ahmad, who it said "passed away... from breathing difficulties during the rally." It was unclear if his death was related to the use of tear gas on the protesters, the DAP said, adding its secretary general Lim Guan Eng will visit Baharuddin's family. Police spokesman Ramli Mohamed Yoosuf confirmed the death but said the man was a bystander who had died of a heart attack. "The death has nothing to do with the demonstration. He died due to heart attack. There was no external or internal injuries," Ramli told AFP. Ramli also said that all 1,667 people arrested during the protest, including legislators and rally leaders, were freed around midnight Saturday after demonstrators had dispersed. Among those freed were Ambiga Sreenivasan and Maria Chin Abdullah, top leaders of Bersih, the broad coalition group that led Saturday's rally to demand electoral reforms ahead of elections expected next year. Abdul Hadi Awang, president of the Pan-Malaysia Islamic Party (PAS), the country's largest opposition grouping, and Nurul Iman -- the daughter of opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim -- have also been released. Anwar, who was not arrested but was injured when he was knocked down during the chaos, has been released from hospital after being kept in overnight for head and leg injuries, his aides said. Normality returned to Kuala Lumpur late Saturday after police dismantled barriers put up around the city in a massive security lockdown ahead of the protest, the biggest in Malaysia since 2007. Organisers said 50,000 people joined the protest, while police estimated there were 10,000 demonstrators in total.  | ||||
| Sheen Comes Off Khmer Rouge Trial [-TRAVESTY of justice by the UN in collusion with Hun Xen?] Posted: 09 Jul 2011 11:04 PM PDT
By James O'Toole The Diplomat In a political climate as authoritarian as Cambodia's, it's likely unrealistic to believe that the will of well-intentioned international lawyers will prevail over the entrenched views of the government. The court's international donors, meanwhile, have been publicly silent on the matter, amid suggestions that they may be reluctant to fund the chronically cash-strapped institution for several more years. The first stage of Cambodia's Case 002 is over. But will Hun Sen stamp out the prospects of more people being held to account? The courtroom on the dusty outskirts of the Cambodian capital may have been hosting what has been described as 'the most important trial in the world.' But the sheen is already coming off a case aimed at holding to account four accused of being closely involved in the deaths of more than 2 million people during the Khmer Rouge's reign in the 1970s. The problems in the UN-backed case centre on additional investigations pending at the tribunal. Although prosecutors have said they will pursue just two more cases beyond the current 'Case 002', Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen has already come out strongly against doing so, reportedly telling UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon last year that Cases 003 and 004 'will not be allowed.' Now, it appears UN court staff may be bowing to this political meddling, raising uncomfortable questions for a court that was established in part to combat Cambodia's culture of impunity. 'There's no question that this is a crucial moment in the court's history,' says Clair Duffy, a trial monitor with the Open Society Justice Initiative. 'Judicial independence is an issue that goes to the heart of this institution, and not something that just relates to Cases 003 and 004.' Under the court's procedural rules, modelled on the French civil law system, prosecutors make initial submissions to a pair of judges who then make a decision on whether to indict or dismiss a case after conducting an investigation. The court's foreign prosecutors made submissions in Cases 003 and 004 in 2009 – notably without the support of their Cambodian counterparts – and in April, the judges announced the conclusion of investigations in the third case. While the suspects' names remain officially confidential, court documents reveal them as Khmer Rouge navy commander Meas Mut and air force commander Sou Met, aging former cadres now living quiet lives after defecting to the government years ago. The judges provided scant public information about the investigation of these men during the roughly 20 months that it was open, leading court observers to question whether the case was being handled properly. With the announcement of the investigation's closure – which came in a terse, late-afternoon press release on the Friday before a holiday weekend – those fears gained new urgency. In response, British prosecutor Andrew Cayley requested that the judges perform a series of additional investigative steps, as he's permitted to do prior to a final decision from the judges on whether the case will go to trial. Among the steps Cayley said had yet to be taken were tasks so basic as to put the integrity of the original investigation into doubt. The investigating judges apparently made no effort to solicit complaints from victims during their probe, after hundreds gave statements in the first and second cases, nor did they conduct detailed investigations of a series of potential crime sites named by the prosecution. The suspects themselves weren't even questioned. At least three UN staff members from the investigating judges' office have resigned in protest over the judges' handling of Case 003. Noted Khmer Rouge-era historian Stephen Heder, who served as a consultant to the investigating judges, accused them of shutting down the case 'effectively without investigating it,' and spoke in his resignation letter of a 'toxic atmosphere of mutual mistrust' within the office. The judges themselves, Cambodian You Bunleng and German Siegfried Blunk, have declared their judicial independence in a series of increasingly hostile public statements in recent weeks, though this has done little to assuage public concerns; the Open Society Justice Initiative called last month for a UN investigation into the matter. The Cambodian government has long been against the third and fourth cases, and has shown no sign that it will change its views any time soon – Minister of Information Khieu Kanharith said in May that foreign court staff interested in pursuing the cases could 'pack their bags and return home.' Cambodian court staff, meanwhile, have toed the government line in opposing Cases 003 and 004, claiming that these suspects don't fall within the tribunal's mandate to investigate 'senior leaders' and those 'most responsible' for Khmer Rouge crimes. The country's domestic courts are thoroughly controlled by the executive branch, so it's little wonder that Hun Sen feels he can manipulate the genocide tribunal as well. The precise source of the government's opposition, however, remains unclear. Hun Sen has warned that prosecutions in Cases 003 and 004 could plunge Cambodia back into 'civil war,' though few observers see this as likely. The legacy of distrust between the United Nations and Cambodia likely plays a role – as a result of the cynical Cold War calculus of the age, the Khmer Rouge held Cambodia's seat in the UN General Assembly until 1991, as Hun Sen often points out. Also of concern for the prime minister, himself a former KR battalion commander, may be the numerous Khmer Rouge defectors who were gradually lured to the government side in the years leading up to the collapse of the movement in 1998. Even with a guarantee from prosecutors that the court will shut down after Case 004, the sight of fellow mid-level cadres on trial may be enough to strike fear into some current members of government and destabilize Hun Sen's carefully crafted patronage network. In a political climate as authoritarian as Cambodia's, it's likely unrealistic to believe that the will of well-intentioned international lawyers will prevail over the entrenched views of the government. The court's international donors, meanwhile, have been publicly silent on the matter, amid suggestions that they may be reluctant to fund the chronically cash-strapped institution for several more years. Whatever the result of all the legal wrangling still to come, the unwillingness of either Cambodian or foreign staff to take a principled stand against government interference would be a blow to the much-discussed legacy of the tribunal. For the Cambodian public, the message sent by quiet dismissals of the court's new cases would be heard 'loud and clear,' says Ou Virak, president of the Cambodian Center for Human Rights. 'The message will be that the government gets what it wants, always,' he said. James O'Toole is a journalist based in Cambodia.  | ||||
| "L'morm Chha'Aet Hoeuy!" a Poem in Khmer by Achar Touch Posted: 09 Jul 2011 10:45 PM PDT   | ||||
| 8,000 Cambodians to work in Thailand under bilateral deal Posted: 09 Jul 2011 10:44 PM PDT  By The Nation on Sunday The Cambodian government has approved a plan to send 8,000 Cambodians to work in Thailand under a bilateral agreement. The first batch of 113 Cambodian workers entered Thailand yesterday in the hope of getting paid a minimum wage of Bt300 per day as promised by the Pheu Thai-led government. At the checkpoint in front of Sa Kaew's Aranyaprathet border pass yesterday, Thai officials checked the documents of 113 Cambodian workers (59 males and 54 females) who crossed over from Poi Pet to work in Thailand. These workers would be hired by Thai factories as per the Thai- Cambodian memorandum of understanding on migrant labour. Thai authorities also searched them for drugs and other illegal items while ensuring that non-documented workers did not sneak in by mixing up with the documented group. After taking photos of these workers and collecting copies of their documents, the Cambodians were handed over to their employers' representatives who transported them to designated factories. One worker named Sa-euan Choy, 23, revealed that thousands of Cambodian people had applied to work with Thai companies through employment agencies which had recently opened in Phnom Penh City. The move follows the Cambodian government's approval for 8,000 workers to work in Thailand. Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen earlier said that the Pheu Thai Party-led government would be the "best friend" of Cambodia. He said many Cambodians were happy and believed the Thai-Cambodia border clashes would end. He added that Cambodians were most hopeful about Pheu Thai Party's policy of hiking the minimum daily wage to Bt300, and many wanted to work in Thailand. Sakaew immigration police deputy chief Pol Lt-Colonel Benjapol Rodsawas said that following the election, which was won by Pheu Thai, the atmosphere for tourism was more positive. Several tour companies in Cambodia were contacting to get tourists to visit Angkor Thom-Ankor Wat. Aranyaprathet Customs Checkpoint chief Auaychai Kulthipmontri said it was expected that Thai exports to Cambodia through the checkpoint would increase to about Bt30 billion this year compared to about Bt28 billion last year.  | ||||
| Thai troops on alert near Cambodian border Posted: 09 Jul 2011 10:38 PM PDT  By Pongpat Traipipat The Nation on Sunday Si Sa Ket The Thai military has vowed to fight to protect the country's sovereignty if they are pressured to withdraw from the border areas following reports that the Cambodian army has reinforced troops and heavy weapons along the border. Reports doing the rounds say there are Cambodian troops fully equipped with tanks and cannons pointing at the Thai borders not far from Preah Vihear in tambon Sao Thong Chai of Si Sa Ket's Kantharalak district. The Thai military has been following the Cambodian troop movements closely after Cambodia's celebration of its successful application to list the temple as a World Heritage Site, although it has yet to fully develop the temple due to the border dispute with Thailand. Both countries have reinforced troops at the disputed 4.6 kilometres area amid reports that the Unesco World Heritage Convention will require Thailand to withdraw troops from the disputed zone on July 18 when the International Court of Justice (ICJ) delivers its verdict. Phnom Penh has asked the court to clarify the scope and meaning of the 1962 ruling on Preah Vihear. As it awaits the interpretation, it has also asked the court to set provisional measures forcing Thailand to withdraw its troops, banning them from any military activities in the area or taking any action that could violate Cambodia's rights. Although Thailand had earlier walked out of the World Heritage Convention with the intention of quitting as a member of the committee, the resignation is not official without a written document. Colonel Thanasak Mitrapanont, Ranger Force Regiment 23's Special Task Force chief, said he had been instructed to lead his unit to protect the country's sovereignty and safeguard Thais to the best of his ability. Banyong Tangsuk, a village head of Ban Phumisarol, said the locals had high hopes that there would not be a repeat of skirmishes that took place in February, as they were confident in the Pheu Thai Party. "The party is believed to be in negotiations with Cambodia. At least they will have respect for former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra because he served as its economic adviser for some time,'' he said. However, Banyong said he was a bit worried that if the formation of the new government was delayed there could be border clashes. "We hope peace really returns to the border area. Locals have to face the unfortunate fate from the Thai power struggle. We wish for peace but we also do not want to lose our territory. At the same time we do not want war,'' he said.  | ||||
| Small tsunami reaches Japan after major quake Posted: 09 Jul 2011 10:21 PM PDT Sunday, July 10, 2011 AFP TOKYO — Small tsunami waves reached the Pacific coast of northern Japan Sunday after a major quake hit the region heavily damaged by the March earthquake and tsunami, the Japan Meteorological Agency said. The port towns of Soma and Ofunato saw 10-centimetre (four-inch) tsunami waves triggered by the 7.3-magnitude earthquake that struck off the main island of Honshu at 9:57 am (0057 GMT), the agency said. No damage has been reported from the tsunami and quake, which was strong enough to sway skyscrapers in Tokyo, some 400 kilometres from the epicentre. The Japanese agency and the US Geological Survey originally estimated the quake's magnitude at 7.1, hitting the same general area as the 9.0-magnitude quake of March 11 which triggered a massive tsunami. While Japan upgraded the quake to 7.3, the US agency revised it down to 7.0, centred 212 kilometres (131 miles) east of Sendai city, Miyagi prefecture, at a depth of 34.9 kilometres. The Japanese agency lifted the tsunami advisory at 11:45 am. "Changes in sea level may occur for the next few hours. Please use caution when conducting activities near the ocean, such as swimming and surf fishing," a Japanese weather agency official told a news briefing. Television footage of Ofunato and Soma did not show any visible sign of the tsunami, with the water surface seemingly calm and flat. Tokyo Electric Power Co (TEPCO) said the latest quake did not cause fresh problems at the crippled Fukushima Daiichi (number one) nuclear plant and the nearby Fukushima Daini (number two) plant. "We have received reports that there has been no significant impact at the Fukushima Daiichi and the Fukushima Daini nuclear plants," a TEPCO spokesman told a news conference. Cooling of crippled reactors at Fukushima Daiichi continued, although the company told work crews near the water to seek higher ground during the tsunami advisory. The Japanese weather agency originally expected a small tsunami of up to 50 centimetres (20 inches) along the affected region. Communities along the Pacific coast issued warnings and advisories for local residents to seek higher ground or to leave areas near the water. "For a second, I thought maybe another big one will come," a middle-aged man in coastal Kesennuma, Miyagi, told national broadcaster NHK. The devastating March 11 and tsunami left about 22,000 people dead or missing and triggered an atomic crisis at the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear plant.  | ||||
| Politiktoons No. 167: The Drivers Posted: 09 Jul 2011 10:16 PM PDT
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| "www.forkh.com" - A website dedicated to Khmer Songs Posted: 09 Jul 2011 05:16 PM PDT |
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