KI Media: “Happy Khmer New Year!” plus 24 more |
- Happy Khmer New Year!
- Banned in Cambodia, Documentary to Screen in Long Beach
- Watch 2 films for the price of 1 in Long Beach
- "Who Killed Chea Vichea?" Screening in Long Beach ad Riverside, California this week
- Cambodia probes mass fainting of workers at Puma supplier
- Revealed: the bitter taste of Cambodia’s sugar boom
- Songs about Facebook abound in Cambodia
- May the Angel be Neutral - Khmer Poem by Ouk Pat
- Happy New Year from Angkor Borei News and Sinatoons
- Words have power to hurt, haunt
- "Can We All Get Along?" តើយើងសាមគ្គីបានទេ? a Poem in Khmer by NhiekKiri
- Everybody defects to join the HRP ... but somehow, not a single CPP did. Something amiss?
- New Year Greetings from Khmer Krom in Italy
- Buddhist layman’s appeal bid quashed
- Public Announcement by Theary Seng
- Last and flat: Duch's appeal at Cambodia tribunal
- SRP MP Son Chhay's prayer at Angkor Wat temple for the New Year
- The [Thai] military is in charge on the border
- Thai Bomb Talk
- [Thai] Military should not be allowed to interfere in [Thai] foreign policy
- Unrest stirs between [Thai] ministry and [Thai] army
- Costello linked to controversial banana project
- About-face for ECCC on civil parties application
- Brain Food
- My Rights, My Responsibility (Constitution) Series
| Posted: 13 Apr 2011 07:04 PM PDT
Dear KI-Media Readers, Dear KI-Media Team Members throughout the world! On the occasion of this Khmer New Year, we would like to wish all of you a Happy New Year filled with Joy. May the New Year bring you health and prosperity! We also hope that this New Year will bring democracy, freedom of speech, freedom of expression and human rights respect to Cambodia. May our people be free from tyranny and suffering from land-grabbing and injustice. Suosdei Chhnam Thmei! Happy New Year! From all of us, KI-Media team  | ||||
| Banned in Cambodia, Documentary to Screen in Long Beach Posted: 13 Apr 2011 07:00 PM PDT BANNED IN CAMBODIA, DOCUMENTARY TO SCREEN IN LONG BEACH "A gripping account of a corrupt government's campaign to hold onto power at any cost ... deeply moving." -- The Huffington Post  Fresh off its triumph at the Paris International Human Rights Film Festival, where it won the Special Jury Prize for Investigation and Reporting, the documentary Who Killed Chea Vichea? will screen in Long Beach, California on April 14 and 16. This will be the first time this controversial film will be seen in Long Beach, home of the largest Cambodian community in the United States. Screenings in Cambodia have been shut down by riot police. Officials in Cambodia have said that the film is forbidden and that any copies may be seized as an illegal import (see attached). Rich Garella, one of the film's producers, lived in Cambodia for almost five years and worked with Chea Vichea. "There have been several excellent films about the Khmer Rouge period," Garella said. "We wanted to make a film about Cambodia as it is today and bring it to Cambodians all over the world. With the uprisings in Egypt, Libya and elsewhere it's more relevant now than ever." The product of a five-year investigation by filmmaker Bradley Cox, Who Killed Chea Vichea? examines the 2004 assassination of Cambodian labor leader Chea Vichea and the arrest and conviction of two men despite their alibis. Through on-the-spot footage and hidden camera work, Cox exposes the methods of a regime that relies on aid from the US and other countries to survive, as well as the courage of those who dare to speak out against it. "Ultimately the film is about a system of corruption and impunity that allows killings like Vichea's to happen with regularity," Cox said. "It's about a police force that kidnaps and murders people, a court system that sells justice to the highest bidder and a people that lives in constant fear of its government." Navy Phim, a long-time resident of Long Beach, said the film is important to Cambodians here. "Whatever is going on in Cambodia affects us here too, because all of us have family in Cambodia and if they are being oppressed, we should know about it," she said. Amnesty International - Top Ten Movies That Matter United Nations Association Film Festival - Best Cinematography Philadelphia Independent Film Festival - Best Political Film Rhode Island International Film Festival - Grand Prize, Directorial Discovery Who Killed Chea Vichea? is a co-production of Loud Mouth Films and the Independent Television Service, with funding from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting. Public television broadcast is scheduled for May 2011. Who Killed Chea Vichea? will screen on Thursday April 14, at 7:00pm at the Art Theatre of Long Beach and on Saturday April 16, at 1:00 pm at the Mark Twain Neighborhood Library. A discussion with producer Rich Garella will follow both screenings. Screening information: -- Sweet Snippets of Motherhood  | ||||
| Watch 2 films for the price of 1 in Long Beach Posted: 13 Apr 2011 04:05 PM PDT April 14: Long Beach, California  The first of two chances to see Who Killed Chea Vichea? in Long Beach, home of the largest Cambodian community in the United States, is at the historic Art Theatre of Long Beach. A three-film series starts on Wednesday April 13 with the world premiere of Daron Ker's Rice Field of Dreams (see facebook for info). On Thursday it continues with the Long Beach premiere of Who Killed Chea Vichea? and a return engagement of the award-winning Enemies of the People: Thursday, April 14 7:00pm: Who Killed Chea Vichea? Q&A with producer Rich Garella 9:00pm: Enemies of the People 2025 East 4th Street (map) Tickets are available at the box office, online, and at the door. This is a double feature -- one ticket is good for both films!  | ||||
| "Who Killed Chea Vichea?" Screening in Long Beach ad Riverside, California this week Posted: 13 Apr 2011 04:00 PM PDT  ANNOUNCEMENT: AWARD-WINNING FILM ON CAMBODIA WHO KILLED CHEA VICHEA?, which has been banned in Cambodia, will be screening in Long Beach (twice) and in Riverside next week. Producer Rich Garella will be at all three screenings for Q&A.  | ||||
| Cambodia probes mass fainting of workers at Puma supplier Posted: 13 Apr 2011 02:53 PM PDT By Prak Chan Thul PHNOM PENH, April 10 (Reuters) - Cambodian authorities began an investigation on Sunday into the mass fainting of about 800 workers at two garment factories, including one that produces footwear for German sporting goods group Puma . About 300 workers at Huey Chuen (Cambodia) Corp Ltd on Saturday night suddenly fell sick, followed by another 500 on Sunday at Universal Apparel (Cambodia) Co Ltd, labour industry officials and workers said. Huey Chuen supplies products to Puma. Puma, quoting a local police report, said the number of Huey Chuen workers who fell sick was 101. Moeun Tola, head of the labour unit at the nonprofit Community Legal Education Center, put the figure at about 300 and said the discrepancy was due to large numbers of workers going home instead of to hospital. "I was just feeling exhausted and dizzy," said Keopich Panha, a hospitalised 19-year-old shoe stitcher at Huey Chuen. Phnom Penh Police Chief Touch Naruth told Reuters his officers and the Labour Ministry were investigating the factories, where workers such as Keopich Panha typically earn about $61 a month. "It could have been the workers were too tired. We will also look at work environment issues and whether there was enough air or oxygen," he added. "We don't know the conclusion yet." Worker Soeum Ny, 24, said the smell from materials used in the manufacturing of sport shoes may have made workers sick. "We are used to it now. This affects our health but there is nothing we can do," she said. Moeun Tola said mass fainting is a problem in Cambodia's textile industry because rules requiring factories to be monitored are not enforced. "The government has to strictly monitor these factories," Moeun Tola said. Garment manufacturing is Cambodia's third-biggest currency earner after agriculture and tourism. More than 210,000 textile workers went on strike last year over the government's attempt to regulate trade unions. Cambodian factories produce clothes for many Western brands, including Gap Inc , Nike Inc and Inditex Group , the world's biggest clothing retailer and owner of Zara. (Editing by Jason Szep and Miral Fahmy)  | ||||
| Revealed: the bitter taste of Cambodia’s sugar boom Posted: 13 Apr 2011 02:46 PM PDT
Sam Campbell TheEcologist.org
Sugar may seem innocuous enough, but sweet-toothed Western consumers could be fuelling conflict between poor farming communities and big business with every spoonful. Sam Campbell reports from Phnom Penh Scrambling to take advantage of the EU's Everything But Arms (EBA) treaty, which allows duty-free, quota-free access to Europe for Cambodian goods, Cambodia's agro-barons are trampling human rights underfoot, according to campaigners. Western companies have been accused of being complicit, seeking out the cheapest sugar, whatever the consequences. David Pred, executive director of rights organisation Bridges Across Borders Cambodia, which has been investigating Cambodia's sugar industry, said the sugar boom is having serious consequences for rural Cambodians. 'We have documented widespread human rights abuses and environmental damage from all the major sugarcane concessions, impacting more than 12,000 people in three provinces,' he said. 'The impact on local communities has been devastating. Families have been made landless and driven into destitution and severe food insecurity. Hundreds have been made homeless and haven't received any compensation.' Bridges Across Borders Cambodia published a report in September 2010 into the situation, citing forced evictions, seizure and clearance of farmers' land and crops, destruction of forests, poisoning of local water resources and fisheries, arrests, and harassment of human rights defenders, all connected to the sugar sector. One compelling example of the damage sugar can do are concessions linked to Ly Yong Phat, a Cambodian senator, agribusiness baron and casino-tycoon. The litany of allegations is staggering, even by Cambodian standards. Testimonials from villagers affected by a 9,400 hectare Ly Yong Phat concession in Koh Kong province's Sre Ambel district, held under a company named Koh Kong Sugar Co., speak of their desperation. Cheav Ean, 64, is one of the over 200 families from three villages now living with the consequences of the nearby sugar cultivation. She claimed that she had lived on her land since 1975, making it her legal property under Cambodian law. Nevertheless, she claims that she lost 11.5 hectares to Ly Yong Phat's concession without any compensation, encroachment that has seen her herd of around 40 cattle dwindle to five as she has been forced to sell livestock to make ends meet. 'When the companies owned by Ly Yong Phat arrived, we lost everything,' she said, lamenting that the meagre land she still farmed was insufficient to meet her family's needs. 'Sometimes, we can afford nothing to eat. We need to support five members of our family. … I feel so depressed because I am getting older; I have no land; I don't know how to generate income to support our living; when I am sick, I don't have money for medication and our remaining land is so small that we cannot survive from farming it.' Land grabbing Many Cambodians are farmers and rely on their smallholdings for survival. Mostly poorly educated and often illiterate, villagers can be at the mercy of the authorities or powerful businessmen, especially if they have never legally registered their land with the central administration. Local officials reportedly in cahoots with land grabbers can betray those they are supposed to represent, tricking the most vulnerable out of their land and leaving them with nothing, campaigners claim. Cheav Ean told a story that is all too familiar in rural Cambodia. 'Before the arrival of the companies who cleared and took our land, we tried to meet the [local] commune chief requesting for registration of our land,' she said. 'But, he said at the meeting that "It is not necessary to register it. No one will come to take your land. You must work hard on the land. Don't worry about it.'" Teng Kao, 48, says that he lost 14.5 hectares he had occupied for 20 years to the Koh Kong Sugar concession. He also claimed that residents' land had been recognised by local commune authorities, who issued documents. Instead of recognising villagers' ownership and compensating them however, the widower and father of six claimed that villagers' had been subjected to a campaign of intimidation, with cattle seized for ransom. He said that two of his cows had been shot and killed. Complaints through official channels had been ignored, he said, leading villagers to protest as the company bulldozed their land. He claimed that 'police who work for the companies' carrying assault rifles reacted violently, shooting a local girl named Pet Nim in the leg. Appeals to the National Assembly, the Senate, Cabinet office of Prime Minister Hun Sen, Ministry of Interior, Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, and the courts have reportedly come to nothing. 'I am hopeless now. Even though we are in a difficult situation, we will continue, [doing] whatever we can, to fight either locally or internationally,' Teng Kao said. 'Our land is our life. We have no job other than farming. If the land is not given back to us, we would have no choice but to die of hunger.' Such repression of those standing in the way of the Koh Kong concession is one prong of attack in the battle for Cambodia's sugar. Another of Ly Yong Phat's sugar companies, Phnom Penh Sugar Co., uses a different tool of repression say campaigners - the law. In 2009, Phnom Penh Sugar was awarded around 8,500 hectares of land in Kampong Spue's Ormliang district. The concession is partially carved out of the ancestral farmlands of poor Cambodians: around 2,000 hectares of farmland, belonging to more than 1,000 families in Ormliang, is being cleared for planting with sugarcane. Community members claim that many families have lived and farmed on land within the concession boundaries since the French protectorate, with the majority of residents living there for at least 20 years. Company claims that residents can take replacement land are hard to swallow, according to farmers. The new farmland is allegedly at the foot of a mountain, its rocky soil too poor to cultivate. Protests Clearance for the Phnom Penh Sugar concession sparked protests from farmers in Ormliang, who worried that their only source of income and sustenance was about to be taken away. According to community representatives, clearance has already expanded beyond the concession boundaries. Once production commences in earnest, even the meagre land allocated to locals will be surrounded by sugar plantations, making further encroachment and movement restrictions likely. Registered community forests have also allegedly been cleared, although the Ecologist was unable to independently verify this. The Phnom Penh Sugar dispute illustrates the other way Cambodian protestors are silenced—using Cambodia's partisan law courts. A standoff quietly simmered until March 2010, when around 1,000 villagers dumbfounded at the company offer of US$200 compensation per hectare of rice farmland and just US$100 per hectare of plantation land—far below even the lowest price for such land in Cambodia—travelled to the company offices to speak with company representatives. One community member, who requested anonymity, claimed a company representative had told villagers that 'they would get air instead' if they declined the offer. When officials didn't show up at the meeting, frustrated villagers torched five temporary company buildings. The Kampong Spue Provincial Governor, Kang Heang, alleged at the time that the community members had caused damage costing the company at least US$20,000. He reportedly blamed human rights organisations and the political opposition for stoking the unrest. Like its sister company, rather than deal diplomatically with local communities, Phnom Penh Sugar has chosen, according to critics, to use the iron fist approach, this time intimidating through lawsuits. Since March last year, at least 16 community members have reportedly been summonsed to the Provincial Court for questioning and several have been charged. 'The company has caused many problems for the people in Ormliang,' said Seng Sokheng, a lawyer representing those affected by the Phnom Penh Sugar concession. He told the Ecologist that two people protesting the concession had been arrested, and while they had subsequently been released, community members live under the shadow of further legal action. Since the March 2010 altercation, the area has been under military guard. Protests have quietly continued, the most recent a 200-strong demonstration outside the prime minister's home in the Cambodian capital on November 9, and hundreds of villagers staging a sit-in to stop bulldozers on December 24. Corporate responsibility The Ly Yong Phat group, which promises in its company brochure that it is 'harnessing and adopting internationally competitive business practices,' and is 'being an active party on corporate social responsibility,' did not respond to the Ecologist's requests for comment; a situation reported by other media outlets covering the issue. Those affected are not completely without assistance; opposition Sam Rainsy Party (SRP) parliamentarians have called for an investigation. Ormliang community representatives have gathered over 1,300 thumbprints for a petition to be sent to the Prime Minister asking for his intervention in the case. Perhaps spooked by local media coverage of the case, the government promised to investigate. No solutions have been forthcoming at the time of writing however. The Cambodian government has presided over a wider process of land grabbing, illegal logging and scores of evictions affecting tens of thousands, according to campaigners, so cannot be expected to investigate transparently a senator with close links to the highest echelons of government. Likewise, the use of the police and courts to force residents off their land is unfortunately an increasingly popular tactic in Cambodia—over 300 villagers were charged in connection with land disputes last year, according to local human rights group Adhoc. United Nations Human Rights Envoy Surya Subedi in late February said he was 'deeply concerned about the plight of the people who are facing the threat of eviction or have been evicted from their land.' However, some also lay blame at the door of the EU for not imposing stricter requirements of exporters wishing to take advantage of EBA duty-free EU access. 'Cambodian sugar exports to the EU benefit from special status under the EBA preferential trade scheme, which permits goods produced in Cambodia and other least developed countries (LDCs) to be exported to the EU without import duties or quotas and, in the case of sugar, at a guaranteed minimum price,' according to Bridges Across Borders' David Pred. 'EBA is clearly encouraging the rapid expansion of the Cambodian sugar industry. Ly Yong Phat's business associates have all stated in the media and other forums that its EBA-status is what makes sugar production attractive in Cambodia.' EU officials staunchly defended the EBA treaty as a much needed boost to underdeveloped Cambodia, saying that, as Cambodia is a sovereign country, there is little the EU can do about alleged abuses. EU Ambassador David Lipman told the Ecologist that the EU is working with Cambodian authorities to ensure that land rights, human rights and the rule of law are respected. He said that Cambodian authorities have promised 'to look into these matters very, very carefully.' A political issue 'Essentially, this is a political issue,' he said. 'The rules do permit us to suspend [duty free access] in certain conditions, and we have done that, for example, in the case of Burma, for very, very serious human rights allegations such as child labour.' Seth van Doorn, Political and Commercial Affairs Officer at the EC, said that the unilateral nature of the EBA means that tax-free exports could theoretically be cancelled, though he said it is a decision not to be taken lightly. 'There is no obligation for us to offer these things so there is the possibility that we would take into account all the repercussions. This is not something to make a quick political statement about, as obviously this would have massive implications.' The EU has raised concerns over alleged abuses at a recent meeting with the Cambodian government. 'During the joint committee, the Cambodian government indicated their great concern about these allegations, and that they themselves were initiating an investigation to check specifically what was happening on the ground,' said Rafael Dochao Moreno, Chargé d'Affaires at the Delegation of the EU in Cambodia. The Cambodian Government reportedly promised to inform the EU of the results of the investigation, although the findings of the probe have not yet been released. Cambodian Government officials declined to comment on the case. Mr. Moreno underlined the role of the EU in the case. 'It is the legitimate government of [Cambodia] that should initiate the investigation on any allegation of human rights abuses,' he said. 'They are working on it, so I can't say whether we're satisfied,' said Ambassador Lipman when pressed. 'They said they'd look into it and we're waiting for them to inform us.' David Pred responds: 'A coalition of NGOs and affected communities has presented the EU with well-substantiated documentation that displays a pattern of human rights abuses and illegal actions throughout the entire sugar industry,' he said. 'The EU regulations governing the EBA initiative call for an investigation when credible allegations of serious and systematic human rights abuses have been made. That would be the right thing for the EU to do, but it remains to be seen if EU Member States with economic interests in Cambodia will block the EU's action to invoke EBA's human rights safeguards.' Concerned that little action on the part of the Cambodian authorities seems to be forthcoming, some campaigners talk of a boycott; European buyers refusing to deal with companies accused of such abuses. The Western connections In late 2009, Tate & Lyle signed a five-year contract to buy sugar from Ly Yong Phat's concessions in Cambodia and Laos, via Thailand's Khon Kaen Sugar Industry Plc (KSL), a company with close links to the Ly Yong Phat Group. KSL's CEO, Chamroon Chinthammit, has close ties to Ly Yong Phat, believed to be a dual nationality Thai citizen who also goes by the name Phat Suphapha. The two are reported to own 20,000 hectares of cane sugar concessions side-by-side in Cambodia's eastern Koh Kong province. Ly Yong Phat holds 20 per cent in KSL's joint venture. After repeated requests for comment, Tate & Lyle PLC Group Vice President of Corporate Affairs, Rowan Adams would say only that Tate & Lyle had signed an agreement to sell its EU Sugar Refining business (known as Tate & Lyle Sugars) to American Sugar Refining (ASR), which, according to news reports, has permission to sell the sugar under the Tate & Lyle brand name in perpetuity. Mr. Adams did not clarify whether sugar from Phnom Penh Sugar Co. or Koh Kong Sugar Co. had been on sale in Europe, would not reveal the extent of Tate & Lyle's previous relationship with Ly Yong Phat or KSL, and did not answer queries relating to the company's code of conduct. 'Your questions relate to a business we do not own,' he stated. 'Not only would it be wholly inappropriate for us to comment on someone else's business, but also, from a practical point of view, we do not have access to this business' records or people, and so are simply not in a position to answer the questions you raise.' ASR trades under Domino Sugar in the US. In reply to a long list of queries about Domino Sugar's business relationship with Cambodian sugar producers, a spokesman would say only that 'Domino Sugar does not buy from or sell a single ounce of sugar to Cambodia.' Subsequent emails to Domino Sugar requesting clarification on whether the Tate & Lyle brand is used to retail Cambodian sugar in the UK were unanswered at time of press. Whilst there is no suggestion of wrongdoing on the part of the western companies, campaigners are angry: 'There is plenty of blame to go around,' said David Pred. 'Ly Yong Phat is the primary culprit. His businesses have grabbed the land of thousands of poor people and made them poorer. The Cambodian Government is ultimately responsible for protecting the rights of its citizens, however in this case it has colluded with powerful business elites to permit and even facilitate this land-grabbing…' He continued: 'The Koh Kong plantation illegally encroached on the land of hundreds of families, many of whom have been forcibly evicted, dispossessed and driven into destitution during the last four years. The European Union, meanwhile, is subsidising these human rights abuses by allowing the perpetrators to get a good price for their goods on the European market.' Outspoken Cambodian opposition politician Mu Sochua (herself the target of Cambodian government lawsuits) has appealed for EU companies to stop buying sugar produced by any company owned by Ly Yong Phat. Teng Kao, one of those affected by the Koh Kong Sugar concession, made a similar plea. 'I hope that the … company in England and the European Union would help finding resolution for me and the other 252 families who are almost dying of hunger,' he said. '[I] request the company in England put pressure on the companies owned by Ly Yong Phat or stop buying sugar from the companies owned by Ly Yong Phat if his companies do not find resolution for us.'  | ||||
| Songs about Facebook abound in Cambodia Posted: 13 Apr 2011 02:35 PM PDT 13 Apr 2011 By Sopheap Chak Global Voices Online http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BkEuLZB7DVU&feature=player_embedded The role of social networking site Facebook in facilitating protest actions has been affirmed in the Tunisia and Egypt uprisings; governments in many countries, including China, are wary of the political activities of their citizens on Facebook. But in Cambodia, Facebook is not yet considered a threat by the government. Politicians led by Prime Minister Hun Sen (who has been in power since 1985) have created their own Facebook pages where they interact with Cambodian citizens and netizens. There is however, a newer and interesting Facebook trend in the country: Cambodians are creating songs about Facebook. For example, 'Facebook ends love', uploaded to YouTube by user lotusresortandspa on March 11, 2011. The pop music industry has produced a number of songs related to Facebook. Cambodia Khmer Magazine, though claiming not to be a fan of the material, is impressed that many Cambodians are thoroughly enjoying these 'Facebook songs.' Below are examples of the songs uploaded onto YouTube (all in Khmer):
Khmerbird is surprised about the emergence of these songs, but expressed his agreement with some of the songs that blamed Facebook for the breakdown of relationships. In his article, 'The effect of Facebook has been written in Cambodian songs,' he writes: It seems a bit surprise when I hear the song but it might be true somehow. Khmerbird cites a song by Khemarak Sereymon, titled 'Facebook disturbs my love' and explains its message: He stated in the song that since there's Facebook, his girlfriend seems not to take care of him like before. He felt like he is totally abandoned. His girlfriend spent her time to connect with different people via Facebook. This of course could cause a serious effect in the relationship. In Cambodia, there are only about 250,000 Facebook users accounting for 1.73% penetration rate in the country, according to socialbakers.com. But with politicians endorsing Facebook and artists creating songs about the popular social networking site, Facebook will definitely attract more users in Cambodia. Written by Sopheap Chak and originally posted to Global Voices.  | ||||
| May the Angel be Neutral - Khmer Poem by Ouk Pat Posted: 13 Apr 2011 01:59 PM PDT | ||||
| Happy New Year from Angkor Borei News and Sinatoons Posted: 13 Apr 2011 01:48 PM PDT   | ||||
| Words have power to hurt, haunt Posted: 13 Apr 2011 01:44 PM PDT  April 13, 2011A. Gaffar Peang-Meth PACIFIC DAILY NEWS As you read this column today, Buddhists are celebrating the start of a new year, Year 2555 of the Buddhist Era. I wish each the blessings of a Happy Buddhist New Year. As one who frequently writes about the importance of informed, critical thinking, I am pleased at the opportunity this reminder of Buddha offers to acknowledge Buddha's teaching that thought makes man, and with his thoughts man makes the world: "We are what we think." Great teaching An action is an outcome of thoughts and dreams, which are conveyed through words, written or spoken. The words we use are revealing of who and what we are, and even of the values we hold. A Khmer saying goes, "Samdei sar jiat," or "Words reveal a man's worth." A Khmer scholar asked recently in his writing if Khmer Buddhist beliefs are only "skin deep." He appealed for "soul searching." Officially 96.4 percent Buddhist and 90 percent ethnic Khmer, Cambodians, like their Southeast Asian Buddhist neighbors, begin a three-day celebration of the Khmer New Year of the Rabbit on April 13. You don't have to be Buddhist to appreciate the truth of the sacred teaching 2,500 years ago of Gautama Buddha, a critical thinker and activist: "Whatever words we utter should be chosen with care, for people will hear them and be influenced by them for good or ill." Susan Smalley, a UCLA psychiatry professor, said: "Verbal insults, verbal abuse, and the power of words to affect your emotions and actions are well demonstrated in science. For example, scientists have found that just hearing sentences about elderly people led research subjects to walk more slowly. In other research, individuals read words of 'loving kindness' showed increases in self-compassion, improved mood, and reduced anxiety." Buddha's words, connected with what the great Chinese teacher Confucius preached, "Without feelings of respect, what is there to distinguish men from beasts?" provide a powerful and invaluable lesson. Smalley again: "I once read that a word is like a living organism, capable of growing, changing, spreading, and influencing the world in many ways, directly and indirectly through others. I never thought about a word being 'alive' but then I thought of words spoken 3,000 years ago, written down and passed through many generations, and they seem quite alive when read or spoken today, having lived 3,000 years. As I ponder the power of the word to incite and divide, to calm and connect, or to create and effect change, I am ever more cautious in what I say and how I listen to the words around me." Permanent scars It is said words are alive; if you cut them they bleed. Many world cultures tell us that a knife wound may heal, but a wound caused by words doesn't. It can last generations. Words can never be recalled. Written words are perpetual in public; spoken words haunt and hurt as long as man's memory. The Japanese say, "The mouth is the door of evil" but "One kind word can warm three winter months." Sometime ago, I wrote about the spiritual story, "A Bag of Nails." A father who wanted to teach a lesson to his very bad-tempered, young son, gave the boy a bag of nails and told him to hammer a nail into the wooden fence each time the son lost his temper. On the first day alone, the angry boy hammered 37 nails into the fence. But over the next few weeks, the numbers decreased as he learned to control his bad temper, until one day, he didn't have to drive a nail into the fence at all. He was happy. His father was happy. But now the father told the boy to go pull out one nail for each day the boy could hold his temper. It took many weeks before the boy pulled out the last nail. He learned that a bad temper could be controlled more easily than driving nails into the fence and pulling them out. "You have done very well, my son," the father spoke happily as he walked his son to the fence, "but look at the holes in the fence. The fence will never be the same. When you say things in anger, they leave permanent scars just like these. And no matter how many times you say you're sorry, the wounds will still be there." For this New Year, I find it worthwhile to repeat Stephen Ventura's basic training in "RESPECT": "R" recognizes a human being's inherent worth; "E" eliminates derogatory words and phrases; "S" speaks with, not at or about, people; "P" practices empathy through walking in others' shoes; "E" earns respect through respect-worthy behaviors; "C" considers others' feelings before speaking and behaving; and "T" treats every person with dignity and courtesy. Humanity highway In the words of civil rights icon, Martin Luther King, Jr., "There is some good in the worst of us and some evil in the best of us. When we discover this, we are less prone to hate our enemies." Some years ago, I heard a presentation by New Zealander John Sax in Manila. Sax's topic: "Highway of Humanity." All people are travelers and free to choose to get off on one of the two exits. On Sax's exit named "Great," travelers can stop at stations called love, joy, peace, kindness, goodness, faithfulness, gentleness, humility, honesty, truth, generosity, forgiveness and self-control. On exit "Miserable," there are stations called hate, misery, conflict, cruelty, meanness, unfaithfulness, brutality, pride, dishonesty, falsehood, misery, unforgiving and no self-control. Sax asked, "Which exit and which stations do you choose?" Happy Buddhist New Year! A. Gaffar Peang-Meth, Ph.D., is retired from the University of Guam. Write him at  | ||||
| "Can We All Get Along?" តើយើងសាមគ្គីបានទេ? a Poem in Khmer by NhiekKiri Posted: 13 Apr 2011 08:56 AM PDT   | ||||
| Everybody defects to join the HRP ... but somehow, not a single CPP did. Something amiss? Posted: 13 Apr 2011 07:31 AM PDT Source: Human Rights Party "HRP New Year Celebration and Welcome NRP, FCP, SRP's Grassroots Leaders" A thousand of grassroots leaders and activists of NRP, FCP, SRP with the HRP gathered at HRP's Party branch at Kompong Cham province to celebrate Khmer New Year ceremony. In this occasion, top leaders of HRP welcomed other 3 party's grassroots leaders and activist who decided to join with Human Rights Party for a better change in 2012 commune and 2013 national election. Bravo Khmer! Bravo Nation! Bravo HRP!    | ||||
| New Year Greetings from Khmer Krom in Italy Posted: 13 Apr 2011 07:19 AM PDT  ក្នុងឧកាសបុណ្យចូលឆ្នាំថ្មី ឆ្នាំថោះព.ស.២៥៥៤ ក្នុងនាមជាខ្មែរសព្វថ្នៃរស់នៅប្រទេសអ៊ីតាលី សូមប្រគេននិងជូនពរដល់ព្រៈសង្ឃនិងប្រជារាស្ត្រខ្មែរទាំងអស់ ដែលរស់នៅក្នុងស្រុកនិងក្រៅស្រុកក្តី សូមឲ្យបានសម្រេចនៅពុទ្ធពរទាំងឡាយ៥ប្រការ និងបានសម្រេចនៅសម្បត្តិទាំង៣កុំបីអាក់ខានឡើយ។ ធ្វើនៅប្រទេសអ៊ីតាលីថ្ងៃទី១៣មេសាគ.ស.២០១១ ខ្ញុំព្រៈករុណា ខ្ញុំបាទ ត្រឹងសារុង  | ||||
| Buddhist layman’s appeal bid quashed Posted: 13 Apr 2011 07:16 AM PDT
Wednesday, 13 April 2011 Chhay Channyda The Phnom Penh Post Cambodia's Appeal Court yesterday upheld a verdict sentencing Buddhist layman Ros Sarin to 17 years in prison for the sexual assault of a woman and a child. "The court decides to uphold Phnom Penh court's verdict and continue to detain the accused," said Judge Pak Chansambo, announcing the decision in the absence of both the accused and the victims. Ros Sarin, 57, of Kandal province, is the founder of Phnom Reap pagoda and Sovan Thomareach pagodas, both located in the capital. He was arrested by military police in June 2009 and charged with two counts of rape against a 37-year-old woman, as well as committing indecent acts against a minor who was under her care. During a trial held last August, the defense questioned why the complainant had waited four years to come forward to police, suggesting her claims had been fabricated to gain money from the defendant. Testimonies from more than 20 witnesses from both sides were heard, ultimately leading to the conviction of Ros Sarin. Sarin's construction chief, Hang Samoeun, was found guilty of conspiring in the multiple offenses committed between 1994 and 2005 and received a 15-year sentence. His appeal was also rejected yesterday. Kao Sopheaktra, the victims' lawyer, said yesterday that he was pleased with the verdict. "The decision of the Appeal Court provides justice for my clients," he said. Sann Chuoy, defense lawyer for Ros Sarin, said that he was not in Phnom Penh and unaware of the announcement, but would discuss the prospect of a further appeal with Ros Sarin's family. Judge Pak Chansambo said that the families of Ros Sarin and Hang Samoeun could still appeal the verdict in the Supreme Court.  | ||||
| Public Announcement by Theary Seng Posted: 13 Apr 2011 07:09 AM PDT Public Announcement Theary Seng's 012.222.552 phone stolen, 5:45 p.m. 13 April 2011, Metro Cafe by local Cambodian woman  Theary Seng on stolen Nokia phone, Dec. 2009 Metro Cafe, Phnom Penh, approx. 6 p.m. At approximately 6 p.m. I had my Nokia phone stolen by a Cambodian woman, never before seen by Metro staff, who was sitting next to me at the counter of Metro Cafe, while I was engaged doing work on my computer. The security camera captured the image of the Cambodian woman sitting next to me and showed me putting my phone in my unzipped computer bag - which was lying on the seat between us - just after I finished a phone conversation on that same phone with a friend. According to the Metro staff, it's the first time a phone has been reported stolen there during its 5 years of operation. What is noteworthy is that she is a local woman who came in to sit in one empty bar seat between me engaged on my computer and Kiwi Nathan engaged with two other friends, when only 1/3 or less of the restaurant were occupied; that is to say, a never-seen-before-local woman, dressed in normal clothes came in to sit between a preoccupied me and an engaged Kiwi man for less than 8 minutes before walking away with my phone. I am more concerned about the potential manipulation of data than the actual loss of the physical machine (which is at least 4 yrs. old and dropped countless times of little monetary value), especially in light of the timing in relation to my public role in opening up the highly, political cases of 003/004 at the Extraordinary Chambers. It's a tedious hassle if it's a normal theft; it's an added threat if it's politically related to my work and activities re ECCC Cases 003/004. Friends and colleagues, please email me your phone number theary.seng@gmail.com. As everything is closed for the Khmer new year, it will be not till next week when I can start to retrieve and hopefully be reached on this number again. I owned and regularly used only one phone of this well-known number 012.222.552. I condemn beforehand any manipulation of data and information. - a really, really pissed-off Theary C. SENG, Phnom Penh Metro Security Camera Time Sequence 17:38.23 You stopped phone call and put in your bag 17:39.12 That lady came in by left side door 17:39.27 That Lady sitting down next to you 17:47.47 She got out of seat and stood beside counter 17:48.18 She walked out by the same way.  | ||||
| Last and flat: Duch's appeal at Cambodia tribunal Posted: 13 Apr 2011 01:40 AM PDT  By International Justice Tribune (ECCC) March 28: The first time the appeals bench of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) appears in public session. The learned assembly of nine judges, sitting behind eighteen flat computer screens, curves like a spine. By Thierry Cruvellier, Phnom Penh Wearing a beige jacket, blue shirt and grey pants, Duch, the 68-year old former director of the Khmer Rouge torture and death centre, S-21, stands before them. "The main point is personal jurisdiction. It is purely a legal matter," he says. Then he sits down and leaves the floor to his lawyers. Kaing Guek Eav, (Duch), was convicted last July of crimes against humanity and war crimes for the detention, torture, and murder of more than 12,000 people between April 1975 and January 1979. He was sentenced to 30 years imprisonment. His appeal, however, had nothing to do with the facts or specific legal findings of the Trial Chamber. He now claimed that his case was outside the jurisdiction of this tribunal because he was neither a "senior leader" nor "most responsible" for the crime committed by the Communist Party of Kampuchea under Pol Pot's rule. "Duch was chairman of a prison security centre. How could he be most responsible? He received orders from the Communist Party. He was a perpetrator, of course, but he should not be under the jurisdiction of the ECCC. Why only Duch out of 195 prison chiefs?" asked defence lawyer Kar Savuth. "Personal jurisdiction is strictly about those who were senior leaders and most responsible. A request for a broader interpretation has been bluntly rejected by the Cambodian government," he said, inadvertently admitting political interference in the judicial process. The response by national co-Prosecutor Chea Leang was that "Duch is most responsible within the framework of S-21. The security apparatus was at the heart of the CPK's policy and S-21 was the most important office in the apparatus. Duch was at the highest level of security services." This makes him one of the "most responsible" people. In challenging the prosecution strategy, the defence highlighted the fact that Duch is the only mid-level commander to be tried before this court while both the national prosecutor and the Cambodian government are effectively blocking additional prosecutions against five other suspects, including two generals who were more senior than Duch in the Khmer Rouge hierarchy. The defence also touched upon the disturbing fact that 80% of the victims at S-21 were former Khmer Rouge cadres, including senior Party members who would stand accused today had they not been purged by the regime they served. Kar Savuth, 76, has survived all political regimes in contemporary Cambodia. He shares with some of his Cambodian peers a taste for exaggeration and provocation, but he is cunning and he doesn't lack eloquence and charisma. "We do not challenge the ECCC's jurisdiction. The ECCC has the competence to try the senior leaders. But we question the prosecution's method of depicting Duch as one of the most responsible for the crimes committed. Who are the main perpetrators? Those who gave orders. Duch was receiving orders from Son Sen and Nuon Chea," former members of the CPK's standing committee, he stressed. The trial of Duch, who admitted 85% of the facts alleged in the indictment, was exceptionally devoid of legal wrangling. Neither the Defence nor the Prosecution challenged any factual finding of the Trial Chamber. The Prosecution, however, wants a few legal conclusions by the Trial Chamber to be corrected. While the trial judges decided to bring all charges for crimes against humanity under the single count of persecution, co-prosecutor Andrew Cayley asked the Appeals Chamber "to create consistency of law" between the ECCC and all other international courts, where criminals can be convicted on multiple charges. The Prosecution also asked the Appeals Chamber to recognize rape as a distinct crime, and to add a conviction on enslavement for the entire S-21 complex, not only for the "re-education" camp of S-24. "It is our submission that forced labour is not a requirement for enslavement," Cayley argued. But he admitted that such legal challenges "will not have great influence on the sentence." It is hard to imagine that the court would decide at this stage that it lacks jurisdiction in the case against Duch. As a result, the only outcome of the appeal that may be expected to trigger public interest and reaction is whether the 30-year sentence pronounced by the Trial Chamber will be confirmed or altered by the Appeals Chamber. At the end of the trial, the prosecution asked for 45 years imprisonment, reduced to 40 years in order to compensate for Duch's illegal detention by Cambodian's military justice before the ECCC took the case. The Trial Chamber eventually ruled on a 35-year sentence reduced to 30. The Prosecution now said that Duch's challenge of the very fact of being tried, and his last-minute request to be acquitted, nullify the mitigating circumstances that initially justified a reduced sentence. "Our position is that any mitigating circumstance in this case has vanished," said Cayley. He argued that Duch's cooperation with the court—his admission of most charges in his own case and his testimony against four top leaders whose trial is to start this year—"was not given in a voluntary capacity." According to him, Duch's expression of remorse lacked sincerity, and his belated challenge on the court's jurisdiction and his request for relief were "inconsistent with his admission of responsibility." Only a life sentence could now reflect the gravity of the crimes committed, Cayley said. To support his claim, he provided the court with a chart of jurisprudence from the Yugoslav and Rwanda tribunals. As often with such arguments, the case law could have been easily challenged by the opposing party. But there appeared to be no one in the entirely Cambodian defence team with the knowledge to do so. An assertive judge Klonowiecka-Milart noted that both the 2009 Cambodian penal code and the ICC norm contemplate 30 years as the maximum penalty. "Why and how would it frustrate the purpose of the law if it corresponds to international law?" she asked. Civil party lawyers did not have a say in the debate over sentencing. But they expressed their dismay at the rejection of several of their clients by the trial judges. About a third of some ninety civil parties who were admitted at the beginning of the trial were eventually declared inadmissible by the Trial Chamber in their judgment. "After doing everything they were asked, producing whatever they were asked for, coming with great expectation, the day of the judgment they were told that the civil party status they had been granted previously has been revoked. This was most unpalatable. It was a shock," pleaded Karrim Khan, who had nine clients rejected. Whatever the decision of the Appeals Chamber on this issue, it will have no bearing on the next trial before the ECCC: in the meantime, rules have changed, and this issue must be cleared up prior to the beginning of the trial. Duch remains the only important Khmer rouge commander to ever admit responsibility and acknowledge the criminal policies of the Communist Party of Kampuchea that cost the lives of an estimated 1,7 million people between 1975 and 1979. He testified at length about the creation and functioning of S-21, and what he knew about the leadership and policy of the CPK. He expressed remorse and asked for forgiveness many times. Then, at the end of the proceedings, after he realized that victims' families were not satisfied and would not pardon him, he gradually appeared to withdraw into himself. The last day of the trial, in a spectacular twist, he had asked to be acquitted and released. "Where is Duch today? In which depths has he fallen?" asked civil party lawyer Canonne, wondering about "the fateful logic" followed by the former Khmer rouge. March 30: two years exactly after Duch's opening statement before this court. Looking significantly older, he delivers an emotionless and bureaucratic final speech. He looks calm, as if he had perfectly withdrawn into a protected tower by now. He maintains, in an even tone, that he is taking responsibility for the crimes committed at S-21, repeats his apologies and request for forgiveness. But now, he thinks, only the top leaders of the Party, and the leaders of the Cultural Revolution in China who influenced them, should be punished. Duch then takes off his glasses, carefully slips them into his jacket, stands up and walks away. No date has yet been set for a verdict.  | ||||
| SRP MP Son Chhay's prayer at Angkor Wat temple for the New Year Posted: 13 Apr 2011 01:30 AM PDT
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| The [Thai] military is in charge on the border Posted: 13 Apr 2011 12:38 AM PDT April 13, 2011 The Nation Opinion One does not have to be an apologist for the less-than-fragrant Phnom Penh regime to recognise the accuracy of the Cambodian foreign minister's complaint that Thailand's government and military speak with different tongues over the border dispute (The Nation news report, April 10). Anybody with a modicum of experience of Thai affairs realises that ultimately it is the military that calls the shots (excuse the pun). This was shown during the domestic crackdown last May, when Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva was a "house guest" at Army HQ, and earlier this year, when fighting broke out on the border unbeknown to Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya, who was in Phnom Penh ostensibly negotiating at the time. Of course, persistent and credible accusations of the inexcusable use of cluster bombs by the Thai side at Preah Vihear in February may well reinforce the reluctance of the Thai authorities, and the Army in particular, to involve outside observers, facilitators or mediators. This topic is very well covered in your editorial of April 11. It is all a far cry from one of the generally accepted tenets of a functioning democracy, that the military is subject to the authority of an elected executive and has a duty to protect civilians. To adapt an old saying to the situation here: the government proposes; the army disposes. Citizen Jane Bangkok  | ||||
| Posted: 13 Apr 2011 12:32 AM PDT April 13, 2011 By Luke Hunt The Diplomat When the last round of fighting erupted between Cambodia and Thailand around Preah Vihear Temple earlier this year, vigilant journalists suspected cluster bombs were being used, putting civilian populations at great risk. Cluster munitions are explosives that contain smaller bomblets and are too often detonated by civilians long after battles have subsided. They're a favorite for children who unwittingly pick-up what they think are toys. Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen initially claimed that Thai soldiers had used cluster bombs; a charge denied by Bangkok, which determined it was in fact the Cambodians who'd used the munitions. Now, experts from the international group Cluster Munitions Coalition (CMC), who visited the Thai-Cambodia border and interviewed people injured by the fighting near the Preah Vihear, have confirmed that almost half of the 12 border sites they recently toured were contaminated by unexploded cluster bombs. More importantly, they've pointed the finger of blame at Thailand. Neither Cambodia nor Thailand has signed an international convention outlawing use of the weapons, which has been agreed to by 108 other countries. Perhaps they think technically, this means they stand on solid ground from an international legal standpoint. But in a classic case of doublespeak Thailand admits that while it didn't use actual cluster munitions, it did deploy the also-controversial Dual-Purpose Improved Conventional Munition (DPICM), in response to Cambodia's attacks with BM-21 rocket launcher systems, which struck at targets indiscriminately. 'Such attacks had impacted Thai civilians. It was therefore necessary for Thai troops to act in self-defense against such military targets,' the Thai foreign ministry stated last week. This admission was soon picked up by CMC Director Laura Cheeseman, who said a DPICM is in fact 'a classic example' of a cluster munition. Thai Foreign Ministry spokesman Thani Thongphakdi responded, quickly dismissing CMC's claim by saying the group 'misinterpreted' the Thai Ambassador and Permanent Representative to the United Nations Office in Geneva Sihasak Phuangketkeow who'd confirmed the use of DPICM. According to latest reports, the Thai defense ministry continues to insist that clusters were not used and its sources are now saying that the weapon in question could be the Caesar self-propelled howitzer—whose artillery also bursts into bomblets. It added the army has suspended its use however, after the border clashes in February. Cheeseman says armies do categorize weapons differently, however, that no country besides Thailand has ever questioned the DPICM as a cluster munition. CMC investigators are urging both Cambodia and Thailand to ban all cluster munitions by joining the Convention on Cluster Munitions, the international treaty that prohibits the use, transfer and stockpiling of cluster bombs—instead of muddying the waters with questions over definitions. Importantly, it wants Thailand to release more information about the bombs it's used so the mess can be cleaned-up and perhaps a few lives can be saved. Less doublespeak would also be welcomed.  | ||||
| [Thai] Military should not be allowed to interfere in [Thai] foreign policy Posted: 13 Apr 2011 12:26 AM PDT April 13, 2011 By Supalak Ganjanakhundee The Nation The latest statement from Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva in relation to posting Indonesian observers at the disputed area near Preah Vihear Temple clearly reflects that it is the [Thai] military, not the [Thai] government, that controls Thailand's foreign policy toward Cambodia. On his weekly talk show, Abhisit said his government had taken the same stance as the military - to not allow Indonesian observers to be stationed on the 4.6 square kilometres area near the temple, which Thailand believes comes under its sovereignty. Nobody should have a problem if the area in question really belongs to Thailand. If the area is truly under Thai sovereignty, then it has the right to decide who does or does not enter it. In reality though, this piece of land is being clamed by both Thailand and Cambodia, and it sits at the core of the conflict between both neighbours. The Thai military just raised the issue as a tactic to defer the observation. If the observers are kept out of the disputed area, they will have no knowledge of what really happens. This would make the Indonesia-proposed peace plan meaningless and allow the military to scrap it. The government was wrong in believing that it has full mandate on the foreign policy involving Cambodia when it authorised the Foreign Ministry to make a deal with Indonesia and Cambodia in February, during which it was decided that observers would be stationed at Preah Vihear to monitor a permanent ceasefire. Indonesia, as chair of Asean, has to lend a hand in resolving the conflict because Phnom Penh took the February border skirmish to the United Nations Security Council. The Security Council then asked Asean to implement a permanent ceasefire. Initially, having unarmed Indonesian observers monitoring the border situation sounded fine. Many government officials even claimed that this was a diplomatic victory to prevent aggressive acts from the other side. However, this sweet victory turned into a bitter pill a week later when the military disagreed with the idea of stationing observers, saying involving a third party was unnecessary. Defence Minister Prawit Wongsuwan, who represents the military rather than the government, previously tried to use diplomatic means to defer the deal saying he needed to discuss the terms of reference (TOR) with his Cambodian counterpart in the General Border Commission (GBC). However, when Indonesia called a meeting of the GBC and the Joint Boundary Commission (JBC) in Bogor last week, the Thai military, in a |very undiplomatic response, simply refused to go. The government pretended to honour the deal that it had already agreed upon and tried to explain that Thailand needed more time to study and negotiate the TOR, when in reality it already had more than a month to read and study the proposal. Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya should have been the one taking care of negotiations with Indonesia and the TOR on observers. Dealing with other countries is his job, not that of the military. As the foreign minister of an elected government, Kasit has the authority to make deals with other countries and honour them. The Army should only be consulted on technical matters, such as the terrain in the area and whether it is safe from landmines. If the case of foreign observers is a policy matter, then it's the government's call to make the decision.  | ||||
| Unrest stirs between [Thai] ministry and [Thai] army Posted: 13 Apr 2011 12:22 AM PDT 13/04/2011 Thanida Tansubhapol Bangkok Post Signs of conflict between the Foreign Ministry and the Thai Army emerged when Supreme Commander Songkitti Jaggabatara said last week that Indonesian observers would not be allowed to enter the disputed border area. Gen Songkitti also said an agreement the Foreign Ministry had reached with Cambodia and Indonesia to send Indonesian observers to the disputed border area "has nothing to do with the military". The deal was made on Feb 22 when Indonesia, as chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, called the Asean Foreign Ministers meeting in Jakarta to resolve the border conflict between Thailand and Cambodia. The meeting ended with the two countries accepting an Indonesian observer team be stationed along their common border. Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya did not directly respond to Gen Songkitti's comment but said Thailand is an open society and everybody is free to express their opinions. Mr Kasit confirmed he held talks with Defence Minister Prawit Wongsuwon and Army Chief Prayuth Chan-ocha over the Thai-Cambodian issue almost every week. But he could not make public details of the discussion because some issues have not been finalised. "Although we [the ministry and the army] have different opinions, we can still sit and talk with each other," Mr Kasit said. Regarding the deployment of Indonesian observers, a ministry source said the only inconclusive section of the terms of reference was the "areas of coverage". This is an important point because it determines where the Indonesian observers team will be stationed. In fact, the Foreign Ministry and the army have both agreed that the Indonesian observers should not be posted in the 4.6-square-kilometre disputed area. The army also planned to inform the Cambodian military about the Thai stance regarding the Indonesian observers at the General Border Committee (GBC), which is led by defence ministers from Thailand and Cambodia. But the army changed its mind and refused to join the GBC meeting when Cambodia, the host of the next GBC meeting, insisted the talks must be held in a third country, which is Indonesia. This has led to the impasse and prompted Mr Kasit to offer to clear the issue during a meeting with Gen Prawit last Wednesday. Although Mr Kasit has decided to take over from the Defence Ministry the task of defining the roles of Indonesian observers and the locations along the Thai-Cambodian border where they would be posted, it could not handle the matter alone, the source said.  | ||||
| Costello linked to controversial banana project Posted: 12 Apr 2011 11:21 PM PDT
By South-east Asia correspondent Zoe Daniel ABC News (Australia) Environmental activists in Cambodia are opposing a multi-million dollar agribusiness proposal by a company associated with former treasurer Peter Costello. They say the project will close off an internationally significant wildlife corridor. But the company behind the banana plantation and reforestation project in Cambodia's Cardamom Mountains says it will be sustainable and provide jobs and export income. The mountain forests have been regenerating for the last 10 to 15 years after previously being selectively logged. For the last decade, the Wildlife Alliance has been protecting the area from poachers, illegal settling and logging with its own rangers and government backing. Now the NGO's founder, Suwanna Gauntlett, is opposing the Australian proposal for a 5,000 hectare banana plantation and 20,000 hectare reforestation project. "As you can see it is a forest with grassland and bushland. It was indeed a former logging concession," she said. The company planning the development says there is no forest of value on the site, but the unbroken tree link between the two mountain ridges is clearly visible from the air. The area is said to be one of only seven unbroken elephant corridors in Asia and the planned plantation is right on it. Plans for a high-tech, drip-irrigated plantation to export bananas as well as a replanting project to give migrating elephants a new pathway have so far failed to win support from critics. "That reforestation that they're talking about doing alongside the banana plantation is also where the company says the elephant corridor will be moved to," Ms Gauntlett said. "So my first answer is no because that is a populated area and elephants will not migrate and move through a populated area." 'Big concern' Australian company BKK Partners is a corporate and financial advisory servicel, with former treasurer Peter Costello listed as managing director and partner. The company has an office in Phnom Penh, where it is advising Indochina Gateway Capital on developing the $600 million agribusiness investment fund planning the plantation. The ABC's requests for an interview were declined. The company also denied that Mr Costello is involved in the project, although he was in Cambodia promoting it last year. "One of the things that BKK does is it is managing an investment by Indochina Capital Gateway which is raising funds for a very major agricultural investment here in Cambodia," he said in an interview with the Phnom Penh Post, which is still on the newspaper's website. "BKK has established a presence here in Phnom Penh. We have a full-time resident director." Cambodia desperately needs economic development to increase the standard of living. The company says the banana project will generate up to 75,000 jobs. But villagers are still unsure whether the impact will be positive. Village chief Chan Sao says villagers hunt and forage in the forest to survive. "We can't raise animals in the forest like cows and buffalo if we lose our land. This is our big concern," he said. The villagers say that no-one from an Australian company has been to see them. Indochina Gateway submitted a formal application to develop the banana plantation in December and is now awaiting a permit.  | ||||
| About-face for ECCC on civil parties application Posted: 12 Apr 2011 11:14 PM PDT By Khmer Democrat, Phnom Penh Chicanery of Khmer Rouge Tribunal Series In a striking about-face [180-degree reversal of position] for the Extraordinary Chambers (ECCC), victims can apply AT ANY TIME to become civil parties, according to interviews on Hello VOA of ECCC spokesmen Reach Sambath and Lars Olsen. "PREMATURE", "RECKLESS"  "CAN FILE AT ANYTIME"Tribunal Complainant Defends Right to File | ||||
| Posted: 12 Apr 2011 11:10 PM PDT Everything that we see is a shadow cast by that which we do not see. - Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.  | ||||
| My Rights, My Responsibility (Constitution) Series Posted: 12 Apr 2011 11:04 PM PDT Constitution of Cambodia (Sept. 1993) CHAPTER VII: THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY Article 98 The Assembly shall dismiss a member or members of the Royal Government or the whole Cabinet by the adoption of a motion of censure by 2/3 majority of the entire Assembly. The motion of censure shall be proposed to the Assembly by at least 30 assembly members in order for the entire Assembly to decide.  |
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