KI Media: “Banned in Cambodia, Documentary to Screen in Long Beach” plus 10 more

KI Media: “Banned in Cambodia, Documentary to Screen in Long Beach” plus 10 more


Banned in Cambodia, Documentary to Screen in Long Beach

Posted: 16 Apr 2011 09:59 AM PDT

BANNED IN CAMBODIA, DOCUMENTARY TO SCREEN IN LONG BEACH

"A gripping account of a corrupt government's campaign to hold onto power at any cost ... deeply moving." -- The Huffington Post


Fresh off its triumph at the Paris International Human Rights Film Festival, where it won the Special Jury Prize for Investigation and Reporting, the documentary Who Killed Chea Vichea? will screen in Long Beach, California on April 14 and 16.

This will be the first time this controversial film will be seen in Long Beach, home of the largest Cambodian community in the United States.

Screenings in Cambodia have been shut down by riot police. Officials in Cambodia have said that the film is forbidden and that any copies may be seized as an illegal import (see attached).

Rich Garella, one of the film's producers, lived in Cambodia for almost five years and worked with Chea Vichea. "There have been several excellent films about the Khmer Rouge period," Garella said. "We wanted to make a film about Cambodia as it is today and bring it to Cambodians all over the world. With the uprisings in Egypt, Libya and elsewhere it's more relevant now than ever."

The product of a five-year investigation by filmmaker Bradley Cox, Who Killed Chea Vichea? examines the 2004 assassination of Cambodian labor leader Chea Vichea and the arrest and conviction of two men despite their alibis. Through on-the-spot footage and hidden camera work, Cox exposes the methods of a regime that relies on aid from the US and other countries to survive, as well as the courage of those who dare to speak out against it.

"Ultimately the film is about a system of corruption and impunity that allows killings like Vichea's to happen with regularity," Cox said. "It's about a police force that kidnaps and murders people, a court system that sells justice to the highest bidder and a people that lives in constant fear of its government."

Navy Phim, a long-time resident of Long Beach, said the film is important to Cambodians here. "Whatever is going on in Cambodia affects us here too, because all of us have family in Cambodia and if they are being oppressed, we should know about it," she said.

Amnesty International - Top Ten Movies That Matter
United Nations Association Film Festival - Best Cinematography
Philadelphia Independent Film Festival - Best Political Film
Rhode Island International Film Festival - Grand Prize, Directorial Discovery

Who Killed Chea Vichea? is a co-production of Loud Mouth Films and the Independent Television Service, with funding from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting. Public television broadcast is scheduled for May 2011.

Who Killed Chea Vichea? will screen on Thursday April 14, at 7:00pm at the Art Theatre of Long Beach and on Saturday April 16, at 1:00 pm at the Mark Twain Neighborhood Library. A discussion with producer Rich Garella will follow both screenings.

Screening information:
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Sweet Snippets of Motherhood

"17 Mesa 1975 T'ngai Tuk Thom" a Poem in Khmer by Heng Thal Savuth

Posted: 16 Apr 2011 07:31 AM PDT

Human Rights Defender in Cambodia (Video uploaded by Jendhamuni)

Posted: 16 Apr 2011 02:16 AM PDT


http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pW9Wu1f_Swg&feature=related


http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Rq5fO65luBk&feature=related


http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BgqEsbgtm0g&feature=related


http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FQlXfz4dyRs&feature=related

Cambodia’s Curse

Posted: 16 Apr 2011 12:50 AM PDT

Friday, April 15, 2011
WNYC Radio (USA)



Veteran New York Times reporter Joel Brinkley, who won a Pulitzer Prize for his reporting in Cambodia on the fall of the Khmer Rouge discusses how that country is still haunted by its years of terror. In Cambodia's Curse: The Modern History of a Troubled Land, he looks at the results of efforts to pull the small nation out of the mire by making Cambodia a United Nations protectorate in 1992, and looks at the country, its people, and the deep historical roots of its modern-day behavior.

Guests: Joel Brinkley

ECCC Timeline

Posted: 16 Apr 2011 12:43 AM PDT

Click on the timeline to zoom in

Dedication of sand mountains to relieve sins

Posted: 15 Apr 2011 11:50 PM PDT


http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=z3HLldDL_jk&feature=player_embedded

Women's Rights Champions Gather in Washington DC

Posted: 15 Apr 2011 11:43 PM PDT


http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kDchxcwgTiE&feature=player_embedded

Posted: 15 Apr 2011 11:41 PM PDT


http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nNqotBWB9k4

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was recognized as the Global Trailblazer: Voice of the Decade at the 2011 Vital Voices Global Leadership Awards. The Vital Voices Global Leadership Awards honor and celebrate women leaders who are working to strengthen democracy, increase economic opportunity and protect human rights around the world. In the face of over 50 years of military dictatorship in Burma, Aung San Suu Kyi has been a national and international symbol of justice, democracy and peace. Winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, she continues to be a model of strength, determination and courage for her people and the world. Vital Voices honored Aung San Suu Kyi for her commitment to peace and democracy, and for her steadfast leadership.

From the archives – the Khmer Rouge’s debt to 1950s France

Posted: 15 Apr 2011 11:37 PM PDT

Friday, 15th April 2011
David Blackburn
The Spectator Blog (UK)

It is 13 years to the day since Pol Pot died in mysterious circumstances while in exile on Cambodia's remote western border with Thailand. Where did Pot and his maniacal fellow travellers acquire their politics. There are a number of candidates from the megalomania of the 20th Century, but Michael Sheridan, the Sunday Times' former Asia Editor, notes that France, or more exactly aspects of French culture at the end of the colonial era, played its part. He explained why to the Spectator.

Pol Pot and Chardonnay, Michael Sheridan, 21 September 1996

Not long ago, the Americans found in their archives in Washington a long-forgotten film about Cambodia, made by the United States Information Service at the beginning of the 1960s. The technicians converted the 16-millimetre cinefilm to video and flew a copy to Phnom Penh, where the American ambassador solemnly presented the tape to King Sihanouk. It is a curious fragment of fin-de-siecle history: the elderly God-King sitting in some gilded salon of his palace, watching the flickering images with Cambodia's ghosts flitting around him and the impoverished city hushed in darkness beyond the palace walls.

In its faded frames the film records a Phnom Penh where graceful girls cycled down fragrant boulevards lined with trees, where cafe life pursued a Gallic rhythm, where the cigarette smoke held a tang of Gauloise, and fresh baguettes appeared each morning at breakfast. The 1950s buildings boasted the curved balconies and facades that characterise similar late-colonial edifices still standing in Beirut and Algiers. In short, it was not so much Cambodia as Indochine, a tropical Aix-en-Provence with the extra attraction of exotic sex and the charms of the opium pipe.


The baguettes still appear at breakfast, even if the crust is a bit thick. But in the dilapidated streets of King Sihanouk's riverside capital only a few symbols remain of the presence of France. Long seasons of rain and decades of neglect have left but a faint patina of the painted signs that once proudly identified the premises of bistros and breweries. In the few oases of night life, the strains of the karaoke tape and ubiquitous Filipino bands playing American pop music entertain a hard-faced breed of Asian client. French culture, so intimately bound up with the splendours and evils of modern Cambodia, is in retreat.

Nobody could accuse the French government of surrendering without a fight. From Paris the orders have come for a rearguard action of splendid dignity: c'est magnifique, mais ce n'est pas la guerre. An enormous new French embassy has been constructed, at least five times the size of the modest villa inhabited by Her Britannic Majesty's three representatives. But it is the BBC World Service, not Radio France International, that is listened to throughout the city on an FM relay. The French have poured millions of francs into the encouragement of francophone education through teaching and scholarships. But there is already open confrontation with young Cambodians who want to learn English, the universal business language in Asia. "Thais talk to Vietnamese in English and Chinese talk to Malaysians in English and Singaporeans talk to Japanese in English," says a local businessman.

In one unguarded moment the French ambassador is said to have permitted himself the rueful observation that Cambodia was never really a francophone country, a lapse into frankness that earned him a stiff rebuke from the Quai d'Orsay. Since one is informed with haughty politeness (if not the strictest truth) that "monsieur l'ambassadeur ne parle jamais aux journalistes", this gem is, alas, impossible to verify. Its entertainment value to the rest of Phnom Penh's small diplomatic corps, however, is indubitable.

Of course, tragedy runs beneath the vanishing of French Cambodia, but it is a tragedy with its roots in post-war France. The elimination of Cambodian intellectuals was the work of men and women christened by the francophone Sihanouk 'Les Khmers Rouges' and when these fearsome ideologues retreated to the jungles they were known at first as the maquis. They had imbibed their political theory on the Left Bank during its unyielding, existentialist period of the 1950s. The dictator Pol Pot, whose real name was Saloth Sar, studied radio electronics in France. Leng Sary, who played Molotov to Pol Pot's Stalin but has now broken from him, was educated there in commerce and politics. Khjeu Samphan, the movement's military commander, won a scholarship to Paris and submitted his thesis in 1959 on Cambodia's economy and industrial development. It was revolutionary, prescriptive and autarchic, no doubt winning plaudits from his teachers. The appalling Hu Nim, a craven figure who became the Khmer Rouge information minister, wrote a dissertation on economic organisation. Hu Nim was later 'crushed to death' at the torture centre of Tuol Sleng in one of Pol Pot's insane purges.

The common vehicle for the exiles was the Khmer Student Association in France. They used French freedom of expression, denied them at home in Sihanouk's languid kingdom, to imitate the French Communist Party. At that time the PCF was a thoroughly Stalinist body, steeped in overt hatred of the bourgeoisie, which preached the collectivisation of agriculture. In 1975, when these people conquered Phnom Penh, they applied such principles with a literal-minded intellectual rigour that even the Chinese premier Zhou Enlai found terrifying. Their latest, and possibly final, split is in the revolutionary tradition of personal factionalism and murderous rhetoric.

Thus France and Cambodia were bound together through colonialism and communism, the one playing down the years in counterpoint to the other. Just as the French established 19th-century Cambodia's borders against Thai and Vietnamese encroachment, so they practically invented the modern Khmer identity through that miraculous moment when Henri Mouhot rediscovered the temples of Angkor Wat in the 1860s. Then, the destruction of Cambodia was founded on a system taught, no doubt with Cartesian exactness, by French academics. It is a legacy of such ambiguity and menace that perhaps the only way for the French to cope with it is to pretend that none of the great issues ever happened.

So the pages of Cambodge Soir, a small daily paper published by a group with the evocative name of Editions du Mekong, report the dispatch to the Grand Palais in Paris of 27 precious statues from the lost Khmer epoch. French experts will restore the damaged pieces before they go on exhibition. Cambodge Soir concerns itself with such things as the anniversary of the death of Denis Diderot and a column instructing readers in the correct application of French vocabulary. In Phnom Penh's few bookshops one may find reprinted editions of the French classics of Indochina exploration. In the capital's most expensive hotel, a French chef prepares excellent magret de canard and crepes suzettes for wealthy local diners, most of whom look the sort of gentlemen who took lessons in civic probity from the former mayor of Nice.

Far from Phnom Penh, in the small provincial town of Siem Reap near Angkor, we were served a chilled bottle of chardonnay from the Ardeche for a mere $16. You have to admire the resilience of the finer things in French life. Perhaps M. Juppe, who is in search of public spending cuts, should bring home the cultural attaches and send out a few more crates of chardonnay.

Field mission reports - Transitional Justice in Cambodia by Alex Bates

Posted: 15 Apr 2011 10:30 PM PDT

Executive summary
  • The complex historical, political, cultural and social contexts make any accountability for the crimes of the Khmer Rouge extremely challenging.
  • The Agreement between the UN and the Royal Cambodian Government and the resulting Law on the Establishment of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia ("ECCC") was from the outset a compromise solution.
  • One of the most challenging aspects is the political environment within which the ECCC operates: domestically, Cambodia suffers from an underfunded and underdeveloped criminal justice system; there is little domestic respect for the rule of law; and corruption is prevalent in all areas of public life.
  • It is unsurprising that these influences have tainted the court's operation, reputation and credibility. Cambodian Government political interference threatens to compromise the integrity and independence of prosecutorial and judicial independence.
  • The internal structure of the court is complex, with a dual administrative system operated by the United Nations and the Royal Government of Cambodia respectively.
  • The judicial offices are similarly split – safeguards to prevent tactical voting or the blocking of prosecutions or investigations have only been partially successful.
  • The lack of a Registrar or Court President has compromised the effective functioning of the ECCC.
  • The ECCC's civil law procedure has not been fully understood by all parties. There has been conflict between staff from a civil and those from a common law tradition.
  • The funding of the tribunal by voluntary donations creates uncertainty and insecurity. Adequate and available funding should be the minimum acceptable standard.
  • The ECCC is likely to be one of the most expensive experiments of transitional justice ever, with the cost per indictee particularly high.
  • Notwithstanding the rhetoric of capacity building, it is unlikely that there will be any significant impact upon the domestic legal system given the lack of political will to improve it.
  • The first public trial was concluded successfully and according to appropriate international fair-trial standards. Observers considered that victim participation, although far from straightforward, added a meaningful dimension to the trial.
  • The Trial Chamber delivered a significant decision on the first accused's unlawful pre-trial detention by the Cambodian authorities – it remains to be seen if these principles will be argued in domestic courts.
  • There are considerable benefits from having the ECCC situated within Cambodia: it is more accessible to the affected population; victim participation at the tribunal has the potential to contribute to reconciliation; it has stimulated a nationwide inter-generational dialogue about the Khmer Rouge regime; and the population has begun to learn about its recent history.
  • Victim participation through Civil Party status has been hailed as groundbreaking at the ECCC. In reality, problems of still-developing procedure, insufficient funding, planning and Outreach have compromised the full exercise of rights of participation. The sheer number of potential victims for case file 002 has required a radical re-think of representation and it remains to be seen how this will operate.
  • Although the ECCC is a mechanism of retributive justice, the importance of coordinating the parallel restorative initiatives of civil society is critical to the success of the court.
  • The legacy of the ECCC is now being addressed - it is hoped that this will be carefully considered well before 2015 when the tribunal is currently scheduled to close.

Vandy Rattana's Bomb Ponds Exposes Cambodia's Secret Scars

Posted: 15 Apr 2011 10:10 PM PDT

04/15/11
Lauren Quinn
The Huffington Post

A note is scribbled over the pile of highlighted topographical maps: "A silence made from a mighty sound is still a sound."

Rattana Vandy knows silence well. He grew up during the era of Cambodia's silence, the deafening echo of that followed the Khmer Rouge regime.

Vandy's exhibition Bomb Ponds examines the remains of America's secret 2,756,941-ton bombing campaign in Cambodia during the Vietnam War: craters left in the countryside that, during the rainy season, fill with still-toxic water. In nine landscape photographs and a one-channel documentary, Vandy documents this unspoken history and challenges the culture of silence--both America's too-quiet recognition of the bombing and Cambodia's reluctance to educate its youth about their history.

Like most of the so-called "new generation," Vandy (b. 1980) grew up with little knowledge of his country's recent war history. Formal curricula about the Khmer Rouge was absent from Cambodian schools for some 30 years, leaving Vandy to piece together what he overheard from his parents and the facts read in the English- and French-language histories he personally sought out.

In 2008, a photographic assignment covering the country's rubber plantations took Vandy to an eastern province, abutting the border of Vietnam. As he photographed the landscape, he noticed a crater in the earth.

It struck him as strange: perfectly circular, meters wide, brimming with murky rainwater.


"What is that?" he asked a nearby villager.


"A bomb pond," the man replied casually.

The image returned with Vandy to Phnom Penh. He couldn't get it out of his head. The existence of these bomb ponds, physical evidence of a history kept silent, haunted him, and he resolved to seek out and document these bomb ponds.

It wasn't an easy task. "The bombings were done in secret, so there are no precise documents," Vandy says. "I started just blindly going out: looking at a map, thinking, 'There might be bomb ponds here,' going and talking to the old people.

"They all know. They pass by the bomb ponds everyday, and it seems like they've forgotten that they're there. But then you ask and they start talking, talking..." He waves his hands in the air, as though his fingers were words tumbling out of his own mouth.

Vandy hopes Bomb Ponds does more than document a silent history. "I want to inspire Cambodians to protest."

An exhibition of Bomb Ponds recently closed at Sa Sa Bassac, Phnom Penh's first independent art gallery. An upcoming exhibition opened April 14 in Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam at San Art.

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