The Phnom Penh Post - ENGLISH: “All the news that's safe to print” plus 9 more

An above-the-fold photo on the Kampuchea Thmey daily's front page on Saturday showed some of a reported 20,000 Cambodian People's Party supporters, flags fluttering in the air as they rode their motorbikes down one of Phnom Penh's main streets.

Conspicuously absent from the paper, however, was news of a separate gathering, at which an exhilarated crowd of about 100,000 Cambodia National Rescue Party supporters lined streets from the Phnom Penh International Airport to Freedom Park, to celebrate opposition leader Sam Rainsy's return after nearly four years of self-imposed exile.

"It was a historic event," said Lao Mong Hay, an independent political analyst. "But the resounding silence in the media is also an event in itself."

Khmer-language newspapers published Friday and over the weekend across the Kingdom ignored Rainsy's return or mentioned him only tangentially. A story in Friday's Norkowat News said Rainsy supports the government's stance on border defence, while Kampunchea Thmey reported that Rainsy cannot run for office during this year's election.

Rainsy's return came after he received a Royal pardon a week ago, exonerating him from an 11-year prison sentence many feel was politically motivated.

But rather than covering the long-absent opposition leader's impending return or the mammoth outpouring of support among party faithful, the weekend edition of Koh Santepheap daily ran a Page One feature on increased tourism in Phnom Penh. Rasmei Kampuchea's Saturday edition, meanwhile, featured photos of a proud student receiving her doctoral diploma from Chamroeun University of Polytechnology.

"The [local media] follows the CPP party and tries not to make any [trouble]," said Koul Panha, executive director of election watchdog Comfrel. "It's a really big problem."

In a statement released yesterday, Amnesty International and three other international human rights groups said the ruling party's domination of Cambodian media has allowed them to maintain a public image more favourable than opponents.

"Most media in Cambodia are either controlled by the government or exercise self-censorship, generally providing only limited or unfavourable coverage about the opposition parties," the statement says.

The same statement also brought up voters' increasing ability to voice their political views through social media, even though the National Election Committee issued a request that social media users "not provide wrong information about the election".

While Khmer newspapers remain a key source of information for literate citizens across the Kingdom, social media sites such as Facebook are beginning to emerge as new venues where voters can form their opinions, said Cedric Jancloes, a former media adviser to the UNDP-produced Equity Weekly news show, which was kicked off state-run television after reporting on sensitive issues earlier this year.

"For people who have access to technology, I think people today are much more reliant on their iPhones and iPads and computers to get their information," Jancloes said. "It's a new ballgame."

But at newsstands on Street 51 near Wat Lanka yesterday, shop owners said the lack of coverage of Rainsy's return upset their customers.

"They complain, 'Why doesn't [the newspaper] say anything about it?'" said Chen, a seller at newsstand and bookshop Re Jean, who gave only his first name. "Most people are very interested in Sam Rainsy coming back to Cambodia."

He added that a substantial amount of his customers wanted to purchase Rainsy's new autobiography, Rooted in Stone, but the book is only available in English and French.

Dining outside his newsstand with three other men, Chen Rithy, 30, said people also came by asking for news on Rainsy's return, but only foreign-run papers covered this.

The ruling party's use of media is reminiscent of the past, when kings would appoint high priests and monks to "domesticate" the public, Mong Hay said.

Information printed in Khmer-language newspapers may not reflect the most important news of the day, he said, but it serves a purpose.

"Look at the journalists serving [the Khmer media], their expertise is to educate people to support the ruling party," Mong Hay said. "They don't have any individual integrity."

It was a historic event. But the resounding silence in the media is also an event in itself.

In an innocuous hall at the Royal University of Phnom Penh's Institute for Foreign Languages yesterday morning, five doll-faced women with hair in shades from pink to turquoise paraded on a stage, dressed in stockings, horns and frilly shirts.

They made superhero poses while Japanese music blasted from speakers and a scrum of teenage male onlookers scrambled to take pictures.

After they had descended the stage to an ambush of fans, Miku Hatsune, the character name for one of the women who graced the stage — in real life a student from Thailand — explained the show quietly.

"We learn their moves and their personality and we try to become that character," she said.

Welcome to the world of cosplay. Fans of the pastime, an abbreviation of "costume play", dress up to emulate fictional characters, such as those portrayed in anime, or Japanese animated productions, and manga, Japanese comics.

Yesterday's event at the Institute's Cambodia-Japan Cooperation Centre, which featured stage shows and photo ops with the characters, attracted some 400 avid cosplayers, as well as fans of anime and manga, according to organisers.

Most were Cambodian, illustrating the growing popularity of the activity in the country.

In February, the centre held a show as part of the Japan Cambodia Kizuna Festival 2013, but yesterday's was Cambodia's first standalone cosplay event, said Hidekazu Kondo, the 44-year-old organiser.

Interest has proven so strong, he intends to organise another in October.

He has arranged cosplay events all over Asia, and agreed that although it is a less popular pastime in Cambodia than in neighbouring countries, that status appears to be slowly changing.

On what the draw is for fans, he said, "Cosplay is part of the Japanese culture, but it's different from popular culture. Cosplay is a style, a fashion and it's for young people."

Nang Monin, 26, a civil servant for the Ministry of Interior, moderates the Facebook group KH Anime Fanclub in his spare time and said he was hopeful the fanbase would grow.

"Cosplay is new [in Cambodia] and we don't have many fans here — mostly they are isolated and don't meet — but since the event in February our group has become more active and many more people have joined," he said.

Although most fans are men, the overwhelming majority of the people dressed up yesterday were women.

"In Japan, usually men want to see beautiful women in costumes," said Japanese expat and magazine editor Shinnosuke Kobayashi, 24.

His female companion Rin Hoshino, 20, a maid, was kitted out in a revealing baby pink maid's outfit bought in Japan.

Kobayashi explained the phenomenon of cosplay with the Japanese word otaku — a term that refers to those with an obsessive interest, but is most often associated with those crazy about anime and manga.

While Kobayashi may be among the minority for now, it might not be long before more Cambodian residents become self-confessed otaku.

In the early afternoon yesterday, Srey Oun stood in her salon, straightening the hair of a young woman. The shop was full, every seat taken.

In contrast to many other businesses in town, the exterior is not plastered with posters endorsing the ruling Cambodian People's Party. Instead, signs drawing the attention of passersby to her shop decorate the entrance.

"Even if the CNRP [Cambodia National Rescue Party] promotional material was available, I would not dare to put it up," said Oun, who counts herself an opposition supporter.

Tens of thousands of people marched to the return of opposition leader Sam Rainsy on Friday, flying their political colours. It appears, however, that this level of confidence has not extended to the business community.

"People now dare to talk, which is better than the past, but for people in business we still fear for our own safety," said a 28-year-old nursery manager, who asked not to be named.

Vorn Pao, president of the Independent Democracy of Informal Economy Association, a labour support group, said businesses are increasingly getting involved in politics, but open campaigning is still limited.

Profit is the first priority, and it is better for merchants to offer covert support, rather than make their political intentions known to the public, he said.

"They are curious about politics, and there is an increasing number of people supporting the party they love, but most of them just do it secretly [by donating money]," Pao said. "They're just already prepared to vote for the party that they love."

An owner of a plant shop in Phnom Penh who also asked not to be named said he has not joined the campaign thus far, but had already donated $10 to the CNRP.

"The party does not have much money, even just to buy uniforms for its supporters," he said. "So, I just donate some money in the hope that it can help to buy some water or other things."

The CNRP lacks the business backing of the ruling party, but small businesses are filling some of the void, according to CNRP whip Son Chhay.

"I think it is really interesting that the small business community is willing to support us in a more open way," he said. "That is a very good sign."

He said supporters range from small store owners in the market to bakeries, handicraft and souvenir shops, jewellery shops and restaurant owners. He added that the party had the support of a few construction companies.

In the past, Chhay said, when it was known that a shop was supporting the opposition, the local authorities would impose informal fees. But he said it's not as threatening today, as support for the opposition is growing.

Asked what would change if the CNRP wins the election, he said they have a policy to support small businesses, because they are the ones who generate jobs and sustainable economic growth.

Many shop owners interviewed yesterday declined to comment, while others asked that their names be left out. No one said they were holding back from outwardly supporting the CNRP because of intimidation from local authorities.

Council of Ministers spokesman Phay Siphan said the concerns were baseless, and that CNRP businesses did "raise the flag" of the opposition.

"They do have their own network to support each other. They do have the media to support them, they have the courts to protect them," he said. "They should not be afraid."

It required a glittering strike by none other than the man with the golden boot and best player of the season, Khoun Laboravy, to end Svay Rieng's years of frustrating Metfone C-League championship drought.

In a showpiece at Olympic Stadium on Saturday that will be long remembered for its wild swings and weird Boeung Ket misses, Svay Rieng delivered the title for the new owners with a 1-0 victory after seven failed attempts as Preah Khan Reach.

On top of winning the coveted league honour Svay Rieng had desperately been wishing for, the club also swept clean the major individual awards. Sam Vandeth deservedly walked away as the season's best coach, while Am Sovannarath was adjudged the best goalkeeper, his gritty performance in the final just one persuasive reason.

Finally, the Golden Boot fitted Khoun Laboravy perfectly well. The only player close enough to snatch it away from him, Boeung Ket hitman Bisan George on 17 goals, was certainly not at his shooting best on the day.

For defending champions Boeung Ket Rubber Field, the evening unravelled in the 40th minute when a striker who has often shaped the destiny of Svay Rieng on special occasions did just that with a spectacular goal, his 20th of the season and most precious in his club's recent memory.

The beauty of the goal lay in the manner it was delivered — from 25 yards out, well-directed and packed with enough power to end its flight at the roof of the net. It was so sudden that it almost instantly changed the dynamics on the pitch.

When the teams emerged from the break, it was obvious that the defending champions would throw everything they could lay their hands on at Svay Rieng. This was the phase in which the would-be titleists looked most vulnerable, hassled as they repeatedly were.

But, amazingly, they were also extremely fortunate in that Boeung Ket messed up one promising chance after another. A firm Keo Sokpheng attempt scraped the crossbar paint and possibly Svay Rieng keeper Am Sovanarath's fingertips, but the mother of all horrible misses came from Chan Vathanaka.

Presented with an open goal, he overdid a regulation header from well inside the box — what should have been a simple task for a player of his talent. He shook his head in part disgust, part shock.

The Boeung Ket camp was visibly rattled, and quite a few were hopping mad. A few minutes later, Vathanaka was warming the bench. A clear setback and a sad moment for the 19-year-old and the team.

The 2012 league winners could perhaps ruefully look back at Keo Sokngorn's effort annoyingly going to waste. At times by sheer accident, good moves were broken up or Boeung Ket kept missing the mark.

Given the ferocious frequency with which they were attacked, Svay Rieng should regard themselves lucky to have survived such moments.

Yet to their credit, it must be said, the military police-backed side grimly defended their lead, counterattacking with great verve and adventure.

Minutes before the end of regulation time, Svay Rieng almost doubled their lead, a cannon-like header from James Adekunle from a corner flashing inches wide of the post.

There were some intense injury-time theatrics at both ends, but the title clash ultimately boiled down to the survival of the bravest, and Svay Rieng for that display of raw courage deserved a stroke or two of fortune.

Boeung Ket manager Be Makara summed up the mood of the final with the candid words: "They had one good chance in the first half — they scored. We had many, many, both in the first and second half, we missed all."

Overwhelmed with joy, Sam Vandeth declared that this was the happiest moment of his footballing life and the credit for winning this maiden title should go to the entire Svay Rieng Football Club community — the owners, players, coaching staff, club officials and fans. "It is a triumph for teamwork," the coach told the Post.

Crown capture third, BBU fourth
On Friday, four-time champions Phnom Penh Crown, despite losing the services of the seasoned Kouch Sokumpheak for two bookable offences, edged out Build Bright United 1-0 in a third place playoff at the Olympic Stadium.

The winning goal came in the 104th minute through a penalty conversion by Dutch striker Elroy van der Hooft, a rough tackle on whom by the BBU goalkeeper had led to the spot-kick.

Fortune favours award-winners
For Svay Rieng, their maiden triumph in the league also came with a handsome prize money of 58 million riel ($14,370). Boeung Ket as runners-up picked up 48 million riel, and an additional four million riel for the Fair Play Award, while third placed Phnom Penh Crown got 36 million riel.

Football Federation of Cambodia president Sao Sokha announced that the Super 4 playoff format, which sees the top four teams from the regular season progress to semi-finals, will continue next year.

"We will continue with this system and also start the league next season in January, like we did this time," the FFC chief replied to a pointed question on the subject raised by the Post on Saturday.

The Football Federation of Cambodia is set to welcome back South Korea's Lee Tae Hoon as the head coach of the national football team for a second term beginning next month ahead of preparations for the SEA Games in Myanmar in December.

An official announcement confirming Lee Tae Hoon's reappointment, replacing incumbent Prak Sovannara, is expected in the next few days, according to sources familiar with the ongoing discussions between the South Korean tactician and the FFC top brass.

Often singled out for criticism by his detractors for Cambodia's string of failures in several regional events during his reign between October 2010 and late 2012, Lee had accepted a portion of the blame but maintained that the national team needed a complete change in attitude.

Even after giving up the job last May — which made way for Hok Sochetra, who lasted just a few months before the FFC plumped for the experienced Prak Sovannara — Lee had kept in touch with Cambodian football, while his relationship with the Federation remained friendly and warm.

The South Korean had been watching some of the league matches in the past few weeks, fuelling speculation about a possible return to his old job.

He sat through the Metfone C-League final on Saturday between Svay Rieng and Boeung Ket, and the Post caught up with him after the match to get his take on the rumours — all he initially said, smiling, was a short "maybe".

But when pressed, Lee willingly opened up and went as far as suggesting that he may take charge some time next month. "I know most of the players, and I have been watching them. I have some fresh ideas and let's see," he added, noting that good preparations for the SEA Games was indeed a top priority for the country.

While Lee Tae Hoon is getting ready to get back to his duties on the pitch, marshalling the national team, the genial, softly spoken Prak Sovannara may return to his previous post as head coach of two-time league champions Naga Corp next season.

Though this is by no means a done deal yet, indications from sources close to the Naga management are that Sovannara would be more than welcome to reassume command of the team.

Incidentally, Prak Sovannara is the only national coach to have taken Cambodia past the AFF Suzuki Cup qualifying stage, a feat he accomplished while serving his first term back in 2009.

His short second term at the beginning of this year was beset with some disappointing performances by the national team, including two heavy defeats during the AFC Challenge Cup qualifiers in Manila in May.

Strolling through Central Market, it is no secret which party runs the place. Each storefront has two or three CPP posters and many display portraits of Prime Minister Hun Sen, while there is not a single CNRP rising sun to be found.

Last Friday, when opposition leader Sam Rainsy was welcomed by upwards of 100,000 CNRP supporters, many of whom had been waiting since dawn, the vendors at Central Market were not able to share in the momentous event. Those who tried say they were intimidated by security guards who ordered them to go back to work.

"We just wanted to hear what [Sam Rainsy] said, but they shouted at me to return. I'm afraid of being mistreated, so I returned," said a 35-year-old clothing seller who refused to reveal her name fearing further reprisal from market officials.

In addition to blocking market vendors from welcoming the opposition leader, anyone trying to peruse the market sporting a CNRP logo risks being forced to leave, vendors told the Post.

Two jewellery vendors, afraid to speak on the matter in the open, summoned reporters across the street to a small shop in an alleyway.

"A few days ago, a CNRP activist entered the market and was dismissed by security guards. We dare not speak up, because we are under their authority," said a female jeweller, 27.

Many vendors claimed stricter rules were placed on known CNRP supporters, who face near-constant harassment.

"We are warned not to even wave to welcome the CNRP campaign around the market. We cannot talk about other parties or we will be asked to the main office," one vendor said, adding that on the day of Rainsy's arrival, security guards took note of any vendors who tried to attend the speech using video cameras placed on the outer perimeter of the market.

Pon Dany, Central Market chief, rejected the allegations, saying the vendors were distorting the truth.

"It is not true. We did not ban vendors from listening to any speech. Whoever said this, please come to me," she said, adding that the vendors asked for CPP posters to adorn their stores.

Opposition candidate Son Chhay said yesterday that the market was highly influenced by the CPP and accused those running it of oppression.

"People should have a right to complain about this. It is illegal, and we have to take action against that. The government controls the markets; when [the CNRP] tries to go to the market, they try to stop us," he said.

"Cambodia is supposed to be a democratic society, but the system is the same as before. The government controls the market, businesses, everything. People are fed up with the system."

Opposition leader Sam Rainsy asked the National Election Committee to re-list him as both a voter and election candidate yesterday.

In a letter sent to NEC president Im Suosdey, Rainsy noted that since he had now been pardoned from the convictions that led him to be stripped of both privileges, the reasons those actions were taken had been voided.

"I would like Excellency [Im Suosdey] to look at the possibility of re-inserting my name," Rainsy wrote, asking that he be permitted to run as a lawmaker in Kandal province.

Suosdey could not be reached for comment, but secretary-general Tep Nytha said NEC officials would meet to "decide according to its rights based on the law on election".

Nytha has repeatedly said the NEC's arms are tied when it comes to the question of re-listing Rainsy and stressed that the body cannot do so unless the laws are amended.

Rainsy returned to Cambodia on Friday, one week after being granted a Royal pardon that overturned more than a decade of prison sentences.

Myanmar's President Thein Sein, along with the country's opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, and its most notorious drug dealer, Law Sitt Han, were all in the news this past week or two.

Law, who was daftly dubbed the "Godfather of Heroin" by the US government, died earlier this month at his Yangon home.

It was there, at the turn of the millennium, that I met the irascible but genial old codger a day after I had interviewed Suu Kyi. He was a relief, because he simply spoke his mind, whereas with Suu Kyi and even Thein Sein it is never clear whether their words reflect their true sentiments.

Indeed, when I first met Thein Sein up in northeastern Shan State, he said so few words that it was hard to know what he was thinking. He appeared rather shy, mousey even, so it was a shock to learn that he was the military commander of that volatile region, which is plagued by ethnic strife, drug dealing and cross-border incursions.

How he was appointed to that post remains perplexing, as is the way he was later chosen to head Myanmar's then-military government and two years later to become its elected president.

Still, we should be thankful it happened. And if proof is needed of that, consider his speech last Monday to the Royal Institute of International Affairs at Chatham House in London.

Thein Sein noted that his government had passed a new constitution, held elections, lifted media and internet censorship, and introduced laws to protect freedom of association and expression.

Had he voiced such intentions back in Shan State more than a decade ago, he would not only have been ridiculed, he would have been locked up.

Yet here we are, and Thein Sein's amazing reforms have even included Suu Kyi, who has also surprised us, but in ways that have disturbed party acolytes and fawning Western diplomats.

It is not so much her intimacy with the former army dictators, but her embrace of the crony businessmen who kept the military in guns and roses for decades — rather as did Law Sitt Han and his son, Steven Law.

Aside from pocketing dollops of dosh from cronies like Kyaw Win and Zaw Zaw, and having the latter build a spiffy pink wall round her Inya Lake compound, Suu Kyi recently accepted free flights for life from Tay Za.

He is Myanmar's most notorious crony, and three years ago he set up Asian Wings Airways to skirt sanctions imposed by the United States on his other domestic carrier, Air Bagan.

Suu Kyi has now become an instant platinum frequent flyer on Asian Wings, so she can take flights, along with two other people, for free.

One of Tay Za's lackeys explained that it was done because they have "deep heartfelt respect, admiration and appreciation of everything Suu Kyi has done in her lifetime".

Sure they do. They just forgot to mention it before Thein Sein became president. And while Suu Kyi was accepting yet more goodies from the sanctioned cronies, Thein Sein was promising more reforms and the release of all political prisoners by the end of the year.

He tacitly mocked her shamefully muted criticism of anti-Muslim pogroms by vowing at Chatham House that his government would follow "a zero-tolerance approach" to any renewed communal violence.

Indeed, he has already acted. Earlier this month, he unilaterally disbanded the Nasaka border security agency, which has been blamed for many of the atrocities against Rohingya Muslims in Rakhine State.

Said the International Crisis Group: "His removal of an agency created for oppressive purposes, and with an institutional culture of corruption and abuse, can only be a good thing."

All these good things sound like an election platform, but Thein Sein said in Paris on Friday: "As of now, I have not prepared myself to run for the 2015 presidential election."
Let us hope he reconsiders.

The Post Buffaloes muscled their way to an exciting 54-53 win over one of the top-rung teams, CCPL Heat, as the Cambodian Basketball League, sponsored by Western Union and Coca-Cola, completed its seventh week of action at the Beeline Arena on Saturday.

This was Buffaloes' first taste of success after getting the wrong end of the stick in all their previous matches.

The Buffaloes turned themselves into raging bulls in a second-half claw-back after jolting the Heat out of their first-half comfort zone.

A strong third-quarter showing by the Buffaloes saw Heat's healthy lead vapourised and their defence developing cracks. The Buffaloes not only cleared the first-half deficit, but they began to assert themselves in ways that the Heat felt it themselves and eventually were nosed out by the barest of margins.

The Johnny Lim-Ryan Baker combine accounted for 36 points in the Buffaloes recovery, scoring 18 each while Nam Vannak top-scored for Heat with 26.

The surprise element in IRB The Lord's 57-49 win over the all-Chinese Galaxy was the margin more than the manner. Led by Kim Veng's 21 points, IRB cut the early wind with ease but were pegged back a bit when Galaxy raised its performance during the third and fourth quarters with the help of Chankon Wai (20 points).

Extra Joss Warriors are growing progressively stronger and more confident, and the proof of that came in their 52-45 beating of Cellcard Eagles, who are among the very few who could match the Warriors height advantage.

Fred Babida as usual was at the centre of the Warriors game plan, adding 14 points to his name, the same as his teammate Ley Denestrosa.

Marty Sharples was left to wage a lone battle for the Eagles, his 13 points standing out on their scoresheet.

Baskets flowed aplenty in the contest between Alaxan FR Patriots and all-Cambodian NSK Dream. The Patriots outscored NSK 87-70 with Aimar Sabayo, who has had experience playing in the professional ranks in his native Philippines, touching 28 points.

Though Sok Reaksmey was even more impressive in his 33 points for Dream, Patriots as a whole proved a formidable force.